maandag 8 september 2008

De taal van het antisemitisme

 
In Engeland worden niet alleen antisemitische incidenten jaarlijks gerapporteerd, maar is nu ook onderzoek gedaan naar antisemitisme in de media, met name in relatie tot Israel en de Palestijnse kwestie. Antisemitisme blijkt zich vaak te verschuilen achter kritiek op Israel:
 
When neo-Nazis allege Jewish control of the media or government, Jewish conspiracies to cause war or global foment, or Jewish infanticide and bloodlust, and when their propaganda portrays Jews as snakes, dragons or other beasts, nobody questions whether it is anti-Semitic. When similar allegations are made and associations drawn, but about supporters of Israel, not Jews per se, and set in the context of arguments over Israel and the Palestinians, there are plenty of people who cannot, or will not, see the connection between this contemporary discourse and an anti-Semitic past. Neo-Nazis have spotted this, and now also talk about Zionists, not Jews, blurring the distinctions further.
 
Dit is maar al te herkenbaar in Nederland, en het wordt tijd dat ook hier specifiek aandacht wordt besteed aan het gebruik van antisemitische beelden, stereotiepen en beschuldigingen in het debat over Israel.
 
RP
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The language of anti-Semitism
 
By Dave Rich
Haaretz / Sept. 6, 2008
 
When, in 2003, the veteran Labour MP Tam Dalyell described the then British Prime Minister Tony Blair as being influenced by a "Jewish cabal," he was roundly condemned for making what many saw as an obviously antisemitic remark. Some, though, sought to justify his comment as a legitimate, if poorly-worded, criticism of Israel's supporters, rather than something more sinister.

The late left-wing journalist Paul Foot, writing in The Guardian, explained that Dalyell was "wrong to complain about Jewish pressure on Blair and Bush when he means Zionist pressure."

The idea that political leaders are influenced for malign purposes by Jews is at the heart of modern anti-Semitism. It is an alarming but increasingly familiar notion that by swapping "Zionist" for "Jewish" - i.e. that the then Prime Minister was surrounded by a "Zionist cabal" - Dalyell's comment can be rendered apparently "bigotry-free." This is typical of an anti-Semitic discourse by which the most common ideas, themes and images from the history of anti-Semitism have re-emerged in recent years, cloaked in an anti-Israel or anti-Zionist wrapping.

This is something that the U.K.'s All-Party Parliamentary Inquiry into Antisemitism recognised. Their report noted the existence of an anti-Semitic discourse, the difficulty in identifying and defining it, and that ideas and images with roots in traditional antisemitism crop up in anti-Israel commentary and activism. The Inquiry called on the media in particular to consider "the impact of language and imagery in current discourse on Judaism, anti-Zionism and Israel."

This is not an easy subject to analyse. Opinions will differ over exactly where, or whether, an anti-Israel screed becomes anti-Semitic. Often, the writer or publisher in question may be completely unaware that the words or images they choose have an anti-Semitic provenance. There is a necessary process of education before it can even be asked why a particular metaphor appealed to them, or why they thought it would resonate with their readers.

In an effort to measure and track the phenomenon, my organisation, CST, has published its first survey of anti-Semitism in mainstream discourse in Britain. This publication will be produced annually - the first one covers 2007 - and will complement our existing reports into anti-Semitic incidents each year.

One example is of a magazine article about the pro-Israel lobby in America which was illustrated with a cartoon of a giant sea dragon, emblazoned with what looked like a Star of David, but was in fact the AIPAC logo, a nuance that will have been missed by many of its British readers. Anti-Semitic iconography has long portrayed Jews as dragons, both in their individual physicality and as an abstract, collective force.

When a funding scandal broke involving donors to the Labour Party, and some (although by no means most) of the figures linked to the scandal happened to be Jewish, The Independent's columnist Yasmin Alibhai-Brown wrote of "the shadowy role of Labour Friends of Israel" and described the central figure in the story as a "strange shape-shifter," while expressing her fear of "the wrath of Moses" for daring to ask such questions.

We also found - and this is something with which Haaretz, like every major media organisation, has to grapple - that new media have opened a space, via online social networks, talkboards, message forums and so on, for expressions of anti-Semitism and other bigotry that previously only existed on extremist Web sites.

When the British Medical Journal ran an online poll asking if readers supported or opposed an academic boycott of Israel, one reader left the message: "Would you not boycott dr mengele [sic]?" An infamous posting on the BBC talkboards, which the BBC moderators removed and then put back after they decided it did not contravene their rules, read: "Zionism is a racist ideology where jews are given supremacy over all other races and faiths. This is found in the Talmud..."

When neo-Nazis allege Jewish control of the media or government, Jewish conspiracies to cause war or global foment, or Jewish infanticide and bloodlust, and when their propaganda portrays Jews as snakes, dragons or other beasts, nobody questions whether it is anti-Semitic. When similar allegations are made and associations drawn, but about supporters of Israel, not Jews per se, and set in the context of arguments over Israel and the Palestinians, there are plenty of people who cannot, or will not, see the connection between this contemporary discourse and an anti-Semitic past. Neo-Nazis have spotted this, and now also talk about Zionists, not Jews, blurring the distinctions further.

Anti-Semitism is not just about the hate crimes that make up the numbers of anti-Semitic incidents that get reported each year; it is also about the ideas, words and images of anti-Semitic discourse. We hope our report will go some way to helping measure, assess and understand this side of a very old bigotry.

 
Dave Rich is Deputy Director of Communications for CST, which provides security and defense services to the U.K. Jewish community and advises government and police on anti-Semitism and terrorism.

http://www.thecst.org.uk/docs/Antisemitic%20Discourse%20Report%202007_web.pdf

Hezbollah heeft controle over bergen noord-Libanon

 
Hezbollah blijft haar greep versterken en is de dominante militaire macht in Libanon, hierbij actief gesteund door Syrië en Iran.
 
RP
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Reform Party of Syria
Freedom - Democracy - Peace


Hezbollah Completes Take-Over of Lebanese Mountains
September 6, 2008 //RPS Staff//
 
 
In coordination with the Assad regime, in particular Mohammed Nassif Kheir Bek (Abou Wael), in addition to Iranian agents working directly within Hezbollah's rank and file, the renegade Hezbollah militia has quietly established positions in Kobayat and Founaydek mountain tops in Northern Lebanon in anticipation of an internal Lebanese war Assad of Syria has been preparing for using his own homegrown terrorists.

Hezbollah has also occupied the Sanneen mountain top, the highest in Lebanon and the Barook mountain top surrounding the Beirut-Damascus Highway and normally a Druze enclave.

Kobayat and Founaydek are known to be Christian enclaves in the north. Their strategic value, besides connecting Hezbollah's communications infrastructure, lies in their military commanding heights over Tripoli and surrounding areas. Yesterday, the March 14 coalition, warned against the drum beat of war sparked by what Assad said during his press conference with President Sarkozy of France to the effect that extremism in the north may force Syria to re-enter Lebanon. About two months ago, sectarian incidents erupted in Tripoli, which killed some 20 Lebanese when Sunni and Alawites clashed.
Analysts believe that the somewhat inexperienced administration of Sarkozy's new government believes the intelligence provided by its staff in Lebanon, which is mostly influenced by Syrian agents playing a double game. In the past, March 14 has accused Assad of stationing Fatah al-Islam in the North of Lebanon in order to create justification for Syrian forces to re-enter the country under the auspices of saving the international community from Islamic extremism.

According to reliable sources, Syria continues developing and arming Fatah al-Islam the same way it continues coordinating with the remnants of al-Qaeda in Iraq by sending Syrian military intelligence officers to fill the void left by their defeat by the US troops and the Iraqis.

The speed by which the international community is allowing Assad free reign of terror in Lebanon and Iraq is quite disturbing. Years of isolating the Assad regime with success is being dismantled by renegade policy makers within the Bush administration by taking advantage of noticeable absence in the White House and the distractions caused by US elections.

 
Reform Party of Syria | 1700 Pennsylvania Ave. N.W. | Washington | DC | 20004
 

VN gaat $1 miljard van Israel eisen voor schadeherstel Libanon

 
Dit is vrij absurd. De oorlog is het gevolg van Hebollah's agressie, door niet alleen soldaten te kidnappen en te doden, maar ook, voordat Israel iets deed, burgerdoelen te beschieten. Hezbollah had daarvoor stilzwijgend toestemming van de Libanese regering, waarin het ook vertegenwoordigd was en is. Het uitbreken van de Tweede Libanonoorlog was bovendien het gevolg van het niet naleven van resolutie 1559, die duidelijk stelde dat geen andere milities dan het Libanese Leger actief mogen zijn op Libanese bodem, laat staan dat zij andere landen aanvallen.
 
Onderstaand plan betekent een beloning voor de agressor in deze oorlog, en zal haar macht en prestige verder doen stijgen. In plaats van Israel voor de oorlogsschade te laten betalen, zou de VN moeten toezien op naleving van resolutie 1701, die -wederom - stelde dat buiten het leger geen gewapende groepen actief mogen zijn in Libanon, en in het bijzonder eiste dat Hezbollah zich terug zou trekken ten noorden van de Litani rivier. Ook de illegale wapensmokkel via Syrië zou worden aangepakt. Terwijl Hezbollah haar greep op Libanon steeds verder versterkt, komt een volgende confrontatie met Israel zo langzaam dichterbij.
 
RP
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Report: UN to demand Israel pay Lebanon $1 billion
http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3592764,00.html
 
Lebanese media say Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to instruct Israel to take responsibility for environmental damages caused by 2006 war, including oil spill following bombing of Beirut power plant
 
Roee Nahmias
Published:  09.06.08, 13:15
 
 
UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon will demand that Israel pay Lebanon $1 billion in compensation over damages caused during the Jewish state's 2006 war against Hizbullah, Lebanese media reported Saturday.
 
According to the report, the sum, based on World Bank appraisals, is aimed at covering the environmental and material damages caused by the Second Lebanon War, to neighboring countries as well.

The fundamental part of the compensation demanded is for the damage caused to the Lebanese coast due to an oil spill following an Israeli bombing of a southern Beirut power plant, which the Lebanese said had caused "an ecological disaster."
 
According to the report, Ban plans to submit a report to the United Nations General Assembly at the end of the month, stating that damage Israel caused to the oil reservoir polluted Lebanon's coast, and that the pollution spread to neighboring countries, especially Syria.
 
Ban further notes that the UN rehabilitation plan managed to clean some of the oil spill in several areas in northern Lebanon seashores.
 
 The oil spill, which was defined the greatest natural disaster in Lebanon's history, took place after Israel Air Force planes hit a power plant and caused some 110,000 oil barrels to leak into the Mediterranean Sea.

The report said that the UN wants Israel to compensate the countries harmed by the oil spill and restore the environmental situation along the Lebanon coast. The Jewish state has yet to respond to the demand, despite messages conveyed in August 2007.
 
About half a year ago, news agencies reported that the German government granted Lebanon 4.5 million euros (about $6.4 million) to help finance environmental projects and damage restoration activities following the war.
 
 

Grot van de Patriarchen in Hebron ontwijd

 
Hoe ga je om met gedeelde heilige plaatsen? Je sluit ze tijdelijk af voor een van beide religies, of slechts een gedeelte is open voor beiden zodat ze elkaar niet in de weg lopen.
 
Ook de Heilige Grafkerk in Jeruzalem heeft te maken met ruzieënde kerkgenootschappen, die ingewikkelde afspraken en procedures overeen zijn gekomen. In totaal maken niet minder dan 6 verschillende gemeenschappen gebruik van de kerk, en dat heeft de nodige fricties tot gevolg.
 
Hoe bezoek aan en de positie van heilige plaatsen op de Westoever geregeld moet worden wanneer daar een Palestijnse staat wordt gesticht, is - om het mild uit te drukken - een lastig probleem.
 
RP
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Muslims Defile Patriarchs' Cave
 
by Tzvi Ben Gedalyahu - A7News
7 September 2008

 
Muslims converged on the Cave of Patriarchs in Hevron Friday for Ramadan prayers, urinated next to Torah scrolls and left behind Hamas flags.
 
The Cave of the Patriarchs is the tomb of the biblical founders of the Jewish faith, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob and their wives, Sarah, Rivka, and Leah.

The desecration occurred on one of the 10 days during the year that the holy site is open only to Muslims and is closed to Jews. The same arrangement also is accorded to Jews on 10 holy Jewish days.

Uri Karzen, a Hevron resident, reported that a Kohen, who recites the priestly blessings during the Sabbath morning service, told him he smelled urine next to the Holy Ark containing Torah scrolls. Karzen and other worshippers moved the table, where the Torah scrolls are placed during the reciting of the portion of the week, in order to avoid the foul smell.

The Hamas flags were discovered in the windows that mark the burial sites of Abraham and Isaac and the matriarchs Sarah, Rebecca and Leah.

Hevron resident Asher Horowitz explained that he and others spotted the flags when they were returning holy books, which had been taken into safe storage before the prohibition from Jews entering the Cave of the Patriarchs went into effect. He used a stick to pull one of the flags from the marker of the burial site of Avraham and friends told him they found flags at other markers.

Ever since Muslims destroyed Torah scrolls in the Cave of the Patriarchs in the 1980s, Jews always remove holy books and lock the Holy Ark when they are prohibited from entering.

Noam Arnon, spokesman for the Jewish community in Hevron, said there is always some sort of damage discovered upon their return every time Jews are prohibited from entering the holy site.

"It is not all the Muslims," he said. "But there always are a few who in the past have ripped mezuzot off the entrances to the rooms of worship or simply leave behind vandalism. Complaints have been filed with the police in the past, but no one ever has been arrested."

He added that two policemen are always on guard when Jews pray, especially when Arabs are prohibited from entering, but there are no policemen present when Jews are excluded.

Surveillance cameras are mounted, but Karzen said the place where urine was smelled may have been out of range of the cameras. The cameras should have caught on film the placement of Hamas flags, according to Horowitz.

Hevron police said they know nothing about the incidents and that an official complaint may not have been filed yet out of respect for the Sabbath.
 
 

zondag 7 september 2008

Israëlische commando's bijna ontmaskerd in Syrië

 
Interessante onthullingen in een nieuw boek van de Israelische journalist Ronen Bergman over de connecties tussen Hezbollah en Al Qaida, over waarom de Franse geheime dienst nummer 2 van Hezbollah, Imad Mughnieh liet gaan, over Bush's vermeende plannen om Iran aan te vallen en Israelisch veldonderzoek voordat men een atoomcentrale in Syrie bombardeerde.
 
RP
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'Commandos nearly exposed in Syria'
 
David Horovitz , THE JERUSALEM POST
 
Aware that some members of both the American and the Israel intelligence community were not entirely convinced that President Bashar Assad was building a nuclear facility in the summer of 2007, Israel in mid-August sent 12 members of the Sayeret Matkal commando unit into Syria in two helicopters to collect soil samples outside the nuclear site. But the commandos' mission was almost exposed when a Syrian patrol drove past the landing site where the helicopters were parked.

This is one of the dramatic revelations contained in a new book by Israeli journalist Ronen Bergman that is being published next week in the US.

The daring mission to Syria was a success, Bergman writes. "The results provided clear-cut proof of the joint nuclear project." The following month, the Israel Air Force destroyed the facility.

Also in the book, The Secret War with Iran, Bergman claims that US Vice President Richard Cheney contacted Prime Minister Ehud Olmert after the release of the controversial US National Intelligence Estimate on Iran's nuclear program late last year to tell him that the US had "not discarded" the possibility "of an American military operation against Iranian nuclear targets."

Bergman writes that the Mossad's assessment, as of May this year, is that President George W. Bush, "out of religious and ideological motives, will order a strike."

Elsewhere in the book, Bergman provides details of a familiar charge that France deliberately chose not to arrest Hizbullah terror mastermind Imad Mughniyeh when he passed through Paris's Charles de Gaulle Airport in the mid-1980s, because it feared that stopping him would prompt further terrorism against its interests.

Mughniyeh, who in 1983 had orchestrated simultaneous truck bombings against French paratroopers and the US Marine barracks in Beirut, in which 58 French soldiers and 241 Marines were killed, was a prime target for Western intelligence agencies at the time - and, indeed, for the next 20 years. Indicted by Argentina over the 1992 and 1994 Israel embassy and Jewish community office bombings and regarded as the brains behind Hizbullah's strategy in the Second Lebanon War, Mughniyeh was finally killed in Damascus last February. Nobody has taken responsibility for his death.

Israel is currently warning businessmen overseas to guard against Hizbullah attempts to avenge his death by carrying out kidnappings; at least two such attempts are said to have recently been foiled.

According to Bergman, Mughniyeh was traveling from Lebanon to Sudan, to meet with Iranian intelligence officials and mujahideen veterans from Afghanistan, and made a stopover at Charles de Gaulle. "The CIA had supplied the French with details of the fake passport Mughniyeh was using," Bergman writes. "Nevertheless, and despite a positive identification made by the Americans at the airport, the French never detained him, claiming 'that he had managed to slip away.'"

US intelligence "never credited this excuse for a moment," Bergman continues, "believing that the French had let him get away on purpose, for fear of the fate of French hostages in Beirut."

He also quotes the IDF's former Military Intelligence officer David Barkai, who was in charge of the "Mughniyeh file," as saying: "The French were the champions at this kind of thing. After [Hizbullah] snatched some Frenchmen in Lebanon, the French Foreign Ministry bought peace through quiet agreements with Hizbullah. I know of at least two cases where they closed their eyes to blatant terrorist activity, just so that their interests would not be harmed."

In further sections of the book relating to Mughniyeh, Hizbullah and Iranian sponsorship of terrorism, Bergman claims that the Hizbullah terror chief served as "a major connection point" between Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida and Iran, and as a source of inspiration for bin Laden, whose attacks he helped facilitate. Bergman describes a pivotal meeting the two men held in Khartoum, at which the murderously experienced Mughniyeh described for the impressionable bin Laden "the enormous effect of the suicide attacks against the Americans and the French in the early 1980s in Lebanon."

In the wake of this meeting, Bergman writes, basing his account on a witness's testimony to the FBI, "Hizbullah supplied al-Qaida with explosives instruction, and Iran used Hizbullah to provide bin Laden with bombs. Much of the al-Qaida training was carried out in camps in Iran."

Bergman's new book is an expanded and updated English version of last year's Hebrew bestseller The Point of No Return.

The English book, published by Free Press, also repeats the Hebrew volume's claim - which is disputed by other sources - that Russian S-300 missiles have already been supplied to Iran and are deployed to help protect various Iranian nuclear facilities.

Palestijnse TV soap gecancelled: niet anti-Israël genoeg!

 
Among others, certain scenes failed to show the Israeli occupation in a negative enough light, they charged. The officials mentioned one scene in which a Palestinian gives a flower to Israeli soldiers at an army checkpoint in the West Bank.
They insinuated the series was influenced by the fact that it was funded by Germany's Goethe Institute and the European Commission, which would not back programs that do not encourage coexistence between Israel and the Palestinians.
 
Stel je voor, een Palestijnse TV serie waarin niet de bezetting centraal staat, en zelfs coëxistentie wordt gepredikt! Dat kan het trotse Palestijnse hart natuurlijk niet verdragen.
 
Dit is natuurlijk diep triest en illustreert het probleem in een notedop. Als zo'n serie als te controversieel wordt gezien, is het dus onmogelijk een boodschap van verzoening en vrede uit te dragen op de Palestijnse TV. En wat voor de TV geldt, geldt waarschijnlijk ook voor de kranten en de vrijdagdiensten en wat al niet meer. Iets waar Westerse vredestichters, weldoeners van de Palestijnen en politici eens over na zouden kunnen denken.
 
RP
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Why was airing of 1st Palestinian soap opera cancelled?
 
By DPA
Last update - 19:18 05/09/2008
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1018539.html

 
The official Palestine Broadcasting Corporation (PBC) has cancelled the airing scheduled for this week of a new soap series, Matabb (Arabic for "speed bump").

Producer Fareed Majari confirmed Friday the cancellation, which members of the production team said came as a complete surprise.

They said no grounds were given, but speculated political reasons may be behind it, with some of the topics being dealt with in the series seen as too liberal for official Palestinian "state" television.

Officials at the PBC told Deutsche Presse-Agentur Friday that the German-funded series - the first homemade Palestinian soap opera - was not cancelled, but postponed until certain scenes were changed.

Yehya Barakat, the director of programs at PBC, denied the asked for changes constituted censorship. "Rather, it is an attempt to make sure that no scenes offensive to any party will be aired on an official television station," he said.

He said an official committee had reviewed the series and decided not to broadcast it for the time being, until the required changes were made.

The first episode had been expected to be aired on Palestine TV on Monday, first day of the holy Muslim month of Ramadan, with producers hoping for high ratings as Muslim families gather at their homes in the evenings to break the day's fast.

It is now only being shown on local television stations belonging to the privately owned Ma'an television network and operating in the main Palestinian autonomous cities in the West Bank.

Barakat said he was not fully aware of the committee's reasons for not airing the show, saying he had just returned home from a trip abroad and has not yet seen the committee's report.

However, other PBC officials who preferred not to be named told DPA that the makers of the series had rushed to announce the broadcast on Palestine TV before obtaining official, final approval.

They said some scenes were found offensive to the general Palestinian public and therefore could not be aired on Palestine TV, an official and nationalist institution.

Among others, certain scenes failed to show the Israeli occupation in a negative enough light, they charged. The officials mentioned one scene in which a Palestinian gives a flower to Israeli soldiers at an army checkpoint in the West Bank.

They insinuated the series was influenced by the fact that it was funded by Germany's Goethe Institute and the European Commission, which would not back programs that do not encourage coexistence between Israel and the Palestinians.

Observers said Palestine TV, owned by the West Bank administration of moderate Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas of the secular Fatah party, is already struggling with claims by the rival radical Hamas.

De achterkant van al-Nakba

 
In het Tropenmuseum is een omstreden tentoonstelling te zien over 'de Nakba', waarin alleen het Palestijnse verhaal wordt verteld. 'Omdat Nederland het Israelische verhaal wel kent' aldus de directeur van het Tropenmuseum, die ontkent partij te kiezen in het conflict. Maar kennen mensen het Israelische verhaal wel zo goed? Het is immers niet veel meer te horen of zien in de media, en het beeld overheerst dat alles door de bezetting komt en de bezetting het enige probleem is. Twintig of misschien zelfs 10 jaar geleden was deze tentoonstelling gedurfd en vernieuwend geweest, nu loopt het Tropenmuseum gewoon de mode achterna.
 
RP
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De achterkant van al-Nakba

05-09-2008 20:38| gewijzigd 05-09-2008 20:40 | Jacob Hoekman

Al-Nakba. De Catastrofe. Gevleugelde woorden waaraan in de hele Arabische wereld het jaar 1948 verbonden is - het geboortejaar van Israël én het jaar waarin een massale Palestijnse vluchtelingenstroom op gang kwam. De gebeurtenissen waren een recept voor schrijnend leed, zo blijkt in het Tropenmuseum. Maar ook voor ongenuanceerde verhalen.

Het Tropenmuseum in Amsterdam. Met vlammende ogen kijkt de oude Palestijn de bezoekers aan vanaf het scherm. Hij vertelt over een deal die Arabische landen in 1948 met het Israëlische leger sloten. En wie waren er de dupe? De Palestijnen. Hij suggereert hoe Joden infiltreerden in Arabische landen om de besluitvorming te beïnvloeden. En wie waren er de dupe? De Palestijnen.

Ronny Naftaniel, directeur van het Centrum Informatie en Documentatie Israel (CIDI), kijkt met stijgende verbazing naar het filmpje. „Dat kun je dus echt niet brengen, dit soort complottheorieën. Dat er militair is samengewerkt tussen het Arabisch Legioen en Israël, is lariekoek. Dit bestaat alleen in het hoofd van deze man."

Ophef
Het is voor het eerst dat Naftaniel geconfronteerd wordt met de inhoud van de tentoonstelling "Palestina 1948, herinneringen aan een verdwenen vaderland", die sinds maart dit jaar te zien is in het Tropenmuseum. Eerdere verzoeken om zich erover uit te spreken wees hij categorisch af. „Het zou alleen maar tot meer ophef hebben geleid en nog meer bezoekers hebben getrokken."

Nu spreekt de CIDI-directeur toch. Terwijl hij de omstreden tentoonstelling op zich laat inwerken, geeft hij commentaar - geregeld steun zoekend in het dikke naslagwerk "1948" van de Israëlische historicus Benny Morris dat hij onder zijn arm meedraagt. „Je kunt met enige mildheid nog zeggen dat het museum de versie van de werkelijkheid brengt zoals bepaalde Palestijnen die hebben beleefd", vindt Naftaniel. „Maar dan moet er op z'n minst een verhaal tegenover staan. Dat gebeurt niet. De leugen wordt niet weersproken, terwijl een museum de plicht heeft om de waarheid neer te zetten."

Heroïsch
Waarom kiest een museum van het statuur als het Tropenmuseum ervoor om maar één kant van het Israëlisch-Palestijnse conflict te belichten? Lejo Schenk, directeur van het Tropenmuseum, wilde „het andere verhaal" vertellen, zo licht hij toe. „Het verhaal van de heroïsche totstandkoming van de staat Israël, van het land dat de woestijn vruchtbaar maakte, zit stevig op de harde schijf van ontzettend veel Nederlanders. Maar het andere verhaal, van Palestijnen die óók onderdeel van de wereldgeschiedenis zijn, is veel minder bekend. Dat verhaal wilden wij een keer een plaats geven."

Schenk ontkent dat het Tropenmuseum daarmee partij kiest. „Als mensen zich slachtoffer voelen en je geeft hen een podium, kies je dan partij? Dat is niets anders als wat kranten dagelijks doen." Wel kan hij leven met het etiket van eenzijdigheid, „als daarmee bedoeld wordt dat we exclusief het verhaal van de bejaarde Palestijnen laten zien. Dat is inderdaad een keuze. Die eenkennigheid zit erin."

Massa-executie
Met een trieste blik in haar ogen vertelt een oude vrouw, Kamleh Daher, op een film over de massa-executie in haar woonplaats Salha. Naftaniel knikt, ook met een trieste blik in de ogen. Hij kent de details. „In de moskee. Zestig tot tachtig doden, onderdeel van de in totaal 800 moedwillig door Israël vermoorde Palestijnen. Had nooit mogen gebeuren, natuurlijk niet."

Zo gaat het vaker tijdens het bezoek van Naftaniel aan het Tropenmuseum. Geëmotioneerde Palestijnen doen via de film hun verhaal, Naftaniel bladert in zijn boek en knikt. „Het klopt wel, maar er wordt niet bij gezegd dat…" Er wordt heel veel niet bij gezegd, zo blijkt. Niet dat de moefti van Jeruzalem en Palestijns leider voor 1948 pro-nazi was en met Hitler samenwerkte. Niet dat Arabische landen de oorlog van 1948 begonnen. En ook niet dat Joden in 1948 net zo goed verdreven zijn -uit Oost-Jeruzalem bijvoorbeeld- en dat hun synagoges werden verwoest.

Evenwichtig
Voor het maken van de tentoonstelling zocht het Tropenmuseum contact met diverse organisaties. Kaartmateriaal is onder meer beschikbaar gesteld door het Nederlands Palestina Komitee, dat onophoudelijk vecht voor de Palestijnse zaak in Nederland. „Maar we hebben niet veel invloed op de inhoud gehad", verzekert secretaris Kees Wagtendonk van het Komitee.

Hij noemt de tentoonstelling „evenwichtig" en „heel redelijk en gematigd." Wagtendonk ontkent ten stelligste dat het Tropenmuseum ook een andere kant had kunnen laten zien. „Er ís geen andere kant. Deze tentoonstelling gaat over de Palestijnen. Het is logisch onmogelijk om daarnaast een verhaal te zetten dat de helft onderuithaalt."

Zionistische visie
Dat de foto's en filmpjes in het Tropenmuseum ook na zestig jaar nog explosief materiaal vormen, komt doordat er „bijna geen woord en geen steen in deze geschiedenis niet ooit eens weersproken is", verklaart directeur Schenk van het Tropenmuseum. „Dat maakt de kwestie buitengewoon gecompliceerd."

De actualiteit maakt die complexiteit niet minder. Discussies naar aanleiding van de tentoonstelling gaan haast ongemerkt over in de vraag of Palestijnse vluchtelingen vandaag de dag het recht zouden moeten hebben om terug te keren naar Israël. „Dat kun je hoogstens toestaan voor de oude generatie die oorspronkelijk vertrokken is en waarvan nu nog enkele tienduizenden mensen in leven zijn", zegt Naftaniel van het CIDI. „Maar niet voor hun nageslacht. Dan zouden er 4 miljoen Palestijnen in Israël komen wonen. Dat is onmogelijk, al is er voor hen wat mij betreft wél ruimte in een toekomstige eigen staat."

Bij Kees Wagtendonk van het Palestina Komitee valt die opmerking verkeerd. „Terugkeer van het nageslacht geen optie? Dat is een zionistische visie op het geheel, en díé is geen optie. De hele Joodse staat is van meet af aan geen optie geweest, omdat een Joodse staat per definitie discrimineert. Hij bestaat alleen maar krachtens de gedwongen afwezigheid van de Palestijnen. Laat Israël hen niet terugkeren, dan leidt dat uiteindelijk tot een explosie die voor de staat Israël niet de goede afloop zal hebben."

Naftaniel draait het om. „Juist de eis van terugkeer van neven, nichten, kleinkinderen en noem maar op is een bom onder elk akkoord. Verwerkelijking van die eis zal niet tot de oplossing van het probleem leiden, omdat Palestijnen in Israël dan binnen de kortste keren in de meerderheid zullen zijn. En daar kan nooit en te nimmer sprake van zijn."

 

zaterdag 6 september 2008

Palestijnen eisen 1967 grenzen ook in Oost-Jeruzalem

 
De Palestijnen houden vast aan heel Oost-Jeruzalem, inclusief de Joodse wijk in de oude stad, Joodse begraafplaats, Klaagmuur en andere voor de Joden zeer belangrijke plaatsen. Ma'an nieuws, een Palestijnse krant, schrijft:
 
Illegal settlements in East Jerusalem have transformed the city into a patchwork of Jewish and Palestinian areas. Israel unilaterally annexed Jerusalem and a ring of surrounding territory after the occupation of 1967, although Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem are not full Israeli citizens.
 
De belangrijkste Joodse plaatsen liggen in Oost-Jeruzalem, en in 1948 is de Joodse bevolking uit de Oude Stad met geweld verdreven door het door de Britten getrainde en bewapende Jordaanse Legioen. Palestijnse inwoners van Oost-Jeruzalem was na de annexatie door Israël het staatsburgerschap aangeboden, maar dat weigerden de meesten uit protest tegen de annexatie. Toen kregen zij een soort 'permanent residency' status, met een aantal Israëlische rechten op bijvoorbeeld sociale voorzieningen en om vrij door Israël te reizen, maar zonder landelijk stemrecht.
 
RP
----------------

Palestinian leadership rejects Barak's suggestion of Palestinian capital in parts of East Jerusalem
 
Date: 03 / 09 / 2008  Time:  21:18
www. maannews.net/en/index.php?opr=ShowDetails&ID=31714
 
 
Bethlehem - Ma'an - A top Palestinian negotiator rejected a suggestion by Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak on Wednesday that Israel might allow certain parts of East Jerusalem to become the capital of a Palestinian state.

Yasser Abed Rabbo, a member of the PLO Executive Committee and a member of the Palestinian negotiating team said that East Jerusalem is not an entity that can be separated from the rest of the West Bank.

In an interview with Ma'an, he said that Israel must withdraw from all areas it occupied in 1967. Palestinian negotiators, he said, would accept nothing less.

Barak told Al-Jazeera television in an interview broadcast on Wednesday, "We can find a formula under which certain neighborhoods, heavily-populated Arab neighborhoods, could become, in a peace agreement, part of the Palestinian capital that, of course, will include also the neighboring villages around Jerusalem."

Barak did not specify whether this would include all Palestinian neighborhoods, or what would become of Israeli settlements in East Jerusalem.

Asked if a peace agreement is possible before the end of the year, Barak said "I'm not sure whether the gaps are close enough."

Illegal settlements in East Jerusalem have transformed the city into a patchwork of Jewish and Palestinian areas. Israel unilaterally annexed Jerusalem and a ring of surrounding territory after the occupation of 1967, although Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem are not full Israeli citizens.
 
 

Is Syrië serieus over vrede met Israël?

 
Is Syrië serieus wat betreft haar toenadering tot Israël? Of zitten daar andere belangen achter, en hoopt Assad de Golan voor 'een koopje' te kunnen krijgen? Onder welke voorwaarden moet Israël vrede met Syrië sluiten? Ami Isseroff bespreekt een artikel uit de Jerusalem Post.
 
Twee zaken die steeds worden vergeten: Assad zal, hoewel nog jong, niet eeuwig aan de macht blijven en een nieuw regime kan altijd besluiten de vrede op te zeggen.
De bestandlijnen van 1949, waar Syrië naar terug wil, waren niet de oorspronkelijke grenzen tussen Syrië en Israël, want Syrië heeft in 1948 een stukje van Palestina/Israël ingepikt. Daarbovenop eist het de gedemilitariseerde zones op, die ook onderdeel waren van het Britse mandaatgebied Palestina. Israël heeft alle recht om dergelijke eisen te weigeren.
 
Een belangrijke vraag is ook of opgeven van de Golan een kille vrede waard is zoals met Egypte, waarin de media en politici de walgelijkste dingen, tot en met holocaustontkenning blijven spuien, en culturele en economische samenwerking in tegenspraak met het vredesverdrag wordt vermeden.
 
RP
---------

Is Syria Serious?

What does Mr. Assad want, and more important, what do we want? Are we really willing to give up the Golan Heights in return for a "peace" like we have with Egypt? Will it really neutralize the threat of Syria permanently?
 
What Mr. Assad wants, like what everybody wants, is to buy cheap and sell dear, to play off both ends against the middle, to have his peace and eat it. Assad is certainly a good Levantine trader, as his father war. But what is he selling and what are we buying? His merchandise may be defective, and his coins may be counterfeit. The record of the Syrian regime, as the editors point out, is far from encouraging.
 
The editors write:
 
IT IS IN Israel's long-term interest to have a peace treaty with Syria - but not at any price. The extent of any withdrawal must parallel the depth of the peace offered.
Not exactly. It was a good phrase when Rabin coined it, but it doesn't apply really. For removing X number of missiles from Lebanon, Israel should not be giving up Y square meters of Golan territory. Even if Assad promises to wipe out Hezbollah entirely, break all ties with Iran and goes straight, we should not be giving up the Galil, and probably not even ceding demilitarized zones that Syria took by force in 1948. Peace must be based on reasonable principles. A peace treaty that establishes the wrong principles is not in Israel's interest. Given the shaky nature of Syrian regimes, it is also a bit naive to talk about long term interests. If we give up the Golan for peace, and then Assad is replaced in a Muslim Brotherhood coup, we will have no peace and no Golan. Yet at the same time, we cannot very well ignore sincere overtures for peace.
 
Is an appearance in Jerusalem by Assad really the most important thing? If Assad really wants peace, he will offer borders that Israel can live with. Look at the map. All of the Golan in total is a tiny drop in the Syrian land mass. But what held up the peace treaty until now was Syrian insistence on getting a few meters of territory that do not belong to them, and controlling the sea of Galilee. Giving up that demand is probably all that is really needed for peace, and it is more important than Assad's charming presence in Jerusalem, unless Assad is prepared to declare East Jerusalem to be part of Israel. He will not do that, will he?
 
Ami Isseroff
--------------------------
 
 
Sep. 3, 2008, THE JERUSALEM POST
 
Something is afoot in Syria, though to judge its significance is a matter of no small complexity. Yesterday, French President Nicolas Sarkozy arrived in Damascus on the first visit by a Western leader to Syria since the murder of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri in February 2005. He is joined there today by Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Qatari Emir Hamad bin Khalifa for a summit meeting with Syrian President Bashar Assad.
 
Sarkozy's visit comes on the heels of Damascus's declared intention to open an embassy in Beirut for the first time, thereby recognizing Lebanon as something other than Greater Syria. The summit also comes after news that another round of indirect talks between Israel and Syria is set to begin on Sunday.
 
In an interview on Tuesday with France-3 television, meanwhile, Assad declared that the indirect negotiations with Israel have brought "the possibility of peace," although the two countries still have quite a way to go toward that goal. "Today, we can only say that we have opened the door to peace," he said.
 
IT IS IN Israel's long-term interest to have a peace treaty with Syria - but not at any price. The extent of any withdrawal must parallel the depth of the peace offered.
 
Yet we can't help but ponder why Assad's rhetoric veers so unsteadily between belligerence and conciliation.
 
Israel must be clear-eyed, first of all, on the nature of the Syrian regime, which happens to be engaged in brisk military build-up and procurement. According to Military Intelligence's head of research, Brig.- Gen. Yossi Baidatz, as of June 2007, Syria was "accelerating military acquisition." In late 2006, the US State Department's assistant secretary for International Security and Nonproliferation, John C. Rood, testified that Syria was engaged in research and development for an offensive biological warfare program.
 
Damascus is also a long-standing state sponsor of terrorism, hosting Hamas and other extremist Palestinian organizations. It has not only shipped Iranian weapons to Hizbullah but also supplied it with Russian-made military equipment such as the Kornet anti-tank missile and its own 220mm anti-personnel rockets. Syria has also played a key role as the source of foreign fighters and insurgents infiltrating Iraq.
 
Although a Kuwaiti newspaper reported this week that Hamas leader Khaled Mashaal had left Damascus for Sudan because of Syria's interest in moving along the diplomatic talks with Israel, Jerusalem officials have challenged the claim.
 
If Assad is making conciliatory sounds now, therefore, perhaps it's not because he has abandoned a belligerent posture, but because it serves his interests and deflects pressure. This, indeed, is a long-established pattern.
 
In 2004, after the UN passed Security Council Resolution 1559 calling for Syrian departure from Lebanon, the Damascus leadership mentioned the possibility of negotiations with Israel. The next year, just after the Hariri assassination, as the US and France, among others, severed diplomatic ties with Damascus, Assad once again brought up peace with Israel.
 
Now Assad is once more under intense pressure. Some of it is economic, stemming from a growing fiscal deficit, rising food prices and the ongoing depletion of oil reserves. In April, budgetary problems forced the country to end its traditional gasoline subsidies.
 
Some of the pressure on Assad comes from human rights groups appalled by the increased repression in Syria. Twelve activists, including Riad Seif, a former member of parliament, are currently on trial for attending a meeting of opposition groups last December. An independent press remains nonexistent.
 
Most significant of all, however, are the increased political pressures on Syria's Alawite ruling clique. After suffering the great embarrassments of Israel's bombing of an alleged North Korean-supplied nuclear facility in September 2007 and the assassination - five months later, and still unexplained - in Damascus of Hizbullah operations chief Imad Mughniyeh, Assad's regime now fears the international tribunal tasked with prosecuting Hariri's murderers.
 
Could it be that Assad is once again dangling the possibility of peace with Israel as a way to renew contacts with Washington and Paris and end his international isolation?
 
Then again, he may be sincere. If so, he should come to Jerusalem, or invite our premier to Damascus, and lay out his peace vision.
 
 

Cartoons voor Vrede

 
Cartoonist Plantu ken ik nog uit mijn oude Solidariteitsagenda (midden jaren '80) waarin hij vooral commentaar leverde op de arm-rijk/noord-zuid relaties. Daar zaten hele scherpe cartoons bij. Een tijdje terug kwam ik cartoons van hem over Israël-Palestina tegen die mij te Israel-bashing waren, althans zo staat het me bij; wat ik nu op zijn site vind valt me weer behoorlijk mee.
 
Een Israëlische cartoonist zei:
"We are trying to put together people who, let's say, have a common understanding of what should be done with cartoons, or more correctly, what should not be done."
 
Met dat laatste doelt hij wellicht op de anti-Israël en soms antisemitische cartoons in de Arabische pers, die hier aan de kaak gesteld zijn door bijv. Hans Jansen met dank aan clubs als MEMRI. Uit onderstaand artikel valt op te maken dat er wel degelijk ook Arabische cartonisten zijn die zich voor vrede en dialoog inzetten. Gelukkig maar!
 
 
Wouter
_________________


Cartooning in the cause of peace
By Karin Kloosterman  
August 26, 2008
http://www.israel21c.org/bin/en.jsp?enDispWho=Articles^l2248&enPage=BlankPage&enDisplay=view&enDispWhat=object&enVersion=0&enZone=Democracy&


It might not look like it on CNN, but the majority of people who live in Israel and the region - Jewish and Arab Israeli citizens along with Palestinians - are rooting for peace. There are dozens of projects bringing Arabs and Jews together to show the positive face of the Middle East: Israel has Interns for Peace, Chefs for Peace, Belly Dancers for Peace, bloggers, musicians and even dentists in the name of peace.

One of the latest projects to land in Israel is Cartooning for Peace, founded by famous French political satirist, Jean Plantureux (Plantu). This past June, cartoonists from around the world gathered in Israel and the Palestinian Authority at four simultaneous exhibitions in Ramallah, Bethlehem, East Jerusalem and Holon.

The artists met to share how cartooning can be used as a means for peaceful dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians, as well as others in the region including Turks, Algerians and Egyptians. Participants also included Japanese, Americans, and French citizens.

Selected cartoonists, such as Plantu, who works for French paper Le Monde, were present at the event where the artists got a chance to present their work and participate in master classes attended by an audience that included diplomats. The meet was supported in part by the Peres Center for Peace in Israel.

A founding member of Cartooning for Peace, Israeli political cartoonist Michel Kichka, spoke with ISRAEL21c about the importance of the event: "Cartooning for Peace, or any other professional meeting gives you opportunities to talk," he says. "We are trying to put together people who, let's say, have a common understanding of what should be done with cartoons, or more correctly, what should not be done."

Commenting on the recent attacks on cartoonists in Europe, Kichka, who is originally from Belgium, says he personally believes that offending a person's religious beliefs is the lowest form of cartooning, but that the furore showed there is a long way to go in achieving public understanding of a cartoonist's right to free speech.

When cartoonists meet, says Kichka, "We learn nothing can be taken for granted. There is still a fight that has be done. Democracy is not something that should be taken for granted. The freedom of speech should not be taken for granted. We have to fight for it... Even when you mean to be liberal and positive, anything you say [as a cartoonist] can be turned against you."

When the members from Cartooning for Peace gather, it allows people who normally don't meet each other to participate in panels and debates, says Kichka. This last meeting in Israel wasn't the first time he's met with Arab and Palestinian cartoonists, however.

And although it is important for Israelis and the Arab world to meet, it is also important for regional cartoonists to be in touch with Americans, Japanese and other representing nations among the group. Says Kichka, "Through them we understand their culture, country and concerns and can feel how much we have in common and how similar is our fight."

Aliza Savir, deputy director general of the Peres Center, said her organization helped the cartoonists arrange entry permits to Israel and other details. She tells ISRAEL21c: "Humanization of the other side is crucial for any good relations between Jews and Arabs in the future."

Kichka said this past opportunity in Israel, "allowed us to understand what it means to be a cartoonist in a different country, whether in a country with heavy censorship or a democracy in which dissenters deal with sensitive issues. Each cartoonist brought his own experience with him and together we've put together something unique."
 
 

vrijdag 5 september 2008

Israël en Hezbollah: Weten wanneer toe te slaan?

 
Ondanks VN Veiligheidsraad resolutie 1701 blijft Hezbollah - dat inmiddels is herbewapend terwijl Unifil, de VN en de Libanese regering werkeloos toekijken - een serieuze bedreiging voor Israël. De dreiging die van Hezbollah uitgaat belemmert Israël bovendien erin om op te treden tegen de echt grote bedreiging: die van een Iraans atoomwapen.
 
Israël is echter geen grootmacht zoals China, Rusland of de VS, en zal zich daarom waarschijnlijk geen 'pre-emptive strike' tegen Hezbollah kunnen permiteren, zoals Israel Harel vorige week bepleitte in Haaretz (zie hieronder). Het lijkt niet dat de VS haar daarvoor rugdekking zou geven zoals bij de oorlog in 2006 en zoals China en Rusland regimes als Soedan rugdekking geven.
 
Een volgende confrontatie met Hezbollah lijkt onvermijdelijk, maar Israël zal alleen kunnen reageren als Hezbollah een eerste zet doet.
 
 
Wouter
______________________

Knowing when to strike

By Israel Harel
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1015877.html
Last update - 13:54 28/08/2008

 
Ehud Olmert said during a visit last week to the Home Front Command that "the next war will also reach the cities and homes." "What we will be called on to do," he added, "is bring about a quick victory." But that decisive attack, he qualified, would only occur "if Lebanon turns into a Hezbollah state. [Then] we shall have no restrictions in this context."

In Tehran and Beirut's Dahiya neighborhood, they probably rejoiced at this commitment, and from now on will act in accordance with all it entails. To prevent a preemptive strike by Israel, which would wipe out the missiles threatening its cities, homes, and strategic facilities (Ehud Barak recently declared that Hezbollah already has some 40,000 missiles), Hezbollah (Iran will make sure of this) will not turn Lebanon officially into a Hezbollah state.

That will enable Tehran to utilize Hezbollah, while serving its purposes, to launch its missiles at Israel. And when the hands are the hands of Hezbollah (thus it was in the past and thus, to go by Olmert's statement, it will be in the future), Israel cannot respond to Tehran or Beirut.

Nasrallah, with his customary nerve, replies at once to Olmert: "The Zionists will think tens of thousands of times before attacking." And Mohammed Ra'ed, a senior Hezbollah member, confirmed publicly that the missiles were intended from the start for Iran's consumption. "The first shot at Iran from the Zionist entity," the cat came out of the bag, "will elicit a response of 11,000 missiles from Lebanon."

Israel does not have the aspirations of a superpower, nor is it fighting for the sake of economic interests. But precisely because it is fighting only for its existence, it must prove to every foe, and also friend, that when it comes to protecting the lives of its citizens, it will also resort to preemptive operations and will not take pressure and condemnation into account.

Israel is obligated to demonstrate independence even toward the United States. If Israel were to attack Hezbollah missile installations in Lebanon, presumably the U.S., and certainly the European Union countries, would condemn Israel for attacking a sovereign state. But that is the crux of the matter: Precisely because a terror organization, which bears no responsibility for the fate of Lebanon's residents, is threatening to fire missiles at the Israeli home front, it must be preempted and broken once and for all.

In contrast to the Second Lebanon War, this time Israel must present an ultimatum first: Either the missiles are destroyed, or it will attack. Israel will not permit Iran to attack Tel Aviv and Dimona from Lebanon, and will no longer refrain from repaying those who ordered the missiles launched, Tehran. Israel will also announce that it will not hold back, as it did in the last war, from responding with full force in Lebanon. This is because Hezbollah (Olmert's pronouncement foolishly grants it the promise that if it acts with restraint, Israel will not attack first) is Lebanon, and Lebanon, which capitulates to it and allows it to operate, is Hezbollah.

When the Soviet Union intended to deploy missiles in Cuba, U.S. president John F. Kennedy threatened that the U.S. would respond with all its might. The whole world panicked, and the Kremlin backed down. The Israeli ultimatum need not be aimed directly at Iran; also because it might react irrationally. Those next in line are the ones who initiated Resolution 1701 and failed to enforce its implementation: the United Nations, the U.S., the Middle East Quartet. They are the ones responsible for removing the missiles from Lebanese soil. If they feel that this time Israel means business and will launch an offensive, they are bound to find some way to deal with the missile threat.

If Israel is determined this time, actually only if it is determined, perhaps a preemptive strike will not be necessary. Barack Obama has already understood: Israel must not be made to feel, he said this week, that its back is against the wall. This applies to the danger of missiles from Lebanon as to the danger of missiles and nuclear weapons from Iran. But for others to feel pressured and go ahead and take action, Israel must project the message that if they don't hurry up, nothing will stop it from going ahead and taking action.
 

Debat in De Standaard: Kritiek op Israël drijft opiniemakers in de pen

 
Volgens velen wordt een ieder die kritiek uit op Israël steevast door de Israëllobby voor antisemiet uitgemaakt, in een poging de critici de mond te snoeren. Het is een inmiddels grijsgedraaide grammofoonplaat (of beter gezegd: CD), maar critici van Israël kunnen er geen genoeg van krijgen. Beide kanten maken elkaar in discussies voor van alles uit, en het duurt inderdaad nooit zo heel erg lang voordat de Holocaust er door een van beide kanten bij wordt gehaald. Dit gebeurt overigens juist veelvuldig door sympathisanten van de Palestijnen, die menen dat Israël zich vanwege de Holocaust boven de wet verheven voelt en boven kritiek zou staan, die menen dat de Joden nu hetzelfde doen met de Palestijnen als henzelf is aangedaan of die menen dat Israël ten onrechte is gesticht uit schuldgevoel over de Holocaust en wij daarom nu juist voor de Palestijnen moeten opkomen.
 
Het blijft blijkbaar moeilijk voor mensen om Joden als een gewoon volk te zien met recht op zelfbeschikking en hetzelfde recht om fouten te maken en wreed te zijn als andere volken. Met kritiek op die fouten en wreedheden is natuurlijk niks mis, en maar weinig mensen hebben helemaal geen kritiek op Israël, maar juist de relatie met de Holocaust die veelvuldig wordt gelegd, de hogere eisen die men aan Joden stelt, en stereotyperingen over een almachtige Joodse lobby en vermeende Joodse exclusiviteit maken kritiek op Israël beladen en verdacht. En ik heb zelden een discussie over Israël meegemaakt waarin dat soort zaken niet om de hoek komt kijken.
 
De eerste regel van onderstaand artikel is eigenlijk al onjuist:
"Maakt de Joodse lobby het debat over Israël onmogelijk of wordt ze er kwaadwillig uit geweerd? Het debat is springlevend."
 
Er is geen 'de Joodse lobby', er zijn mensen met allerlei meningen over Israël en er zijn verschillende organisaties die het voor Israël opnemen, zoals er ook allerhande Palestina Komité's en werkgroepen en platforms zijn. Waarom is dat geen lobby dan?
 
Het is overigens positief dat er eindelijk een debat is over dit soort zaken, waarin mensen van beide kanten hun mening geven. Mensen die het voor Israël opnemen worden inderdaad uit veel debatten en bijeenkomsten geweerd, vooral wanneer deze door progressieve partijen en groepen worden georganiseerd. (Op de Belgische Indymedia is een pro-Zionistische stellingname zelfs verboden!)
 
Dat nota bene het Vlaams Belang deze eenzijdigheid aan de kaak stelt is natuurlijk diep triest, want progressief zijn en sympathie hebben voor Israël sluit elkaar absoluut niet uit, en juist Hezbollah en Hamas zijn uitermate reactionaire bewegingen.
 
RP
-------------

Kritiek op Israël drijft opiniemakers in de pen

BRUSSEL - Maakt de Joodse lobby het debat over Israël onmogelijk of wordt ze er kwaadwillig uit geweerd? Het debat is springlevend.

Ortwin Depoortere (Vlaams Belang) interpelleerde gisteren in de Gentse gemeenteraad over een debattenreeks op de Gentse Feesten, georganiseerd door Eric Goeman. Depoortere vindt de debatten te links en vindt dat de stad daarvoor beter geen schoolgebouwen ter beschikking stelt. Hij verwijst naar een debat over Israël, waar volgens hem enkel anti-Israëlische sprekers uitgenodigd waren.

Extreemrechts als bondgenoot van de pro-Israëllobby, tegen de vrije meningsuiting? Het Platform voor vrije meningsuiting, waar ook Eric Goeman deel van uitmaakt, is allerminst verwonderd en reageert met een open brief. De pro-Israëlische lobby probeert volgens de ondertekenaars van de brief 'ook in ons land al geruime tijd de critici van de Israëlische bezettings- en annexatiepolitiek de mond te snoeren'. Het wapen dat de lobbymachine daarbij hanteert, is Israël-critici antisemitisme te verwijten, een middel dat werkt, want 'niemand wil in verband worden gebracht met die zwarte bladzijden uit de Europese geschiedenis'. De lobby, die zo al succesvol verschillende kritische acties monddood heeft gemaakt, gedraagt zich volgens het platform bovendien steeds agressiever en vindt - ironisch genoeg - zelfs steun bij extreemrechts. De brief is ondertekend door bijna negentig academici, auteurs en opiniemakers.

Op de open brief kwam onmiddellijk reactie van het Platform voor faire meningsuiting. Dit tweede platform geeft het eerste gelijk: 'Kritiek op Israël is geen antisemitisme.' Helaas kan eenzijdige en ongenuanceerde kritiek wél leiden tot antisemitisme en heel wat organisaties 'die er een aparte wereldvisie op nahouden' organiseren 'projecten waarbij de Joodse staat het keer op keer moet ontgelden' en waarin geen tegenstem te horen is. En dat is onfair, vindt het platform. De Israëllobby maakt het serene debat niet onmogelijk, er is gewoon geen debat, want de helft van de argumenten wordt nooit gehoord. Een schare opiniemakers, schrijvers en academici ondertekenden op hun beurt deze brief. (wwo)

Blz. 18 Opinie.

Antieke zuidmuur Jeruzalem uit de Tweede Tempel periode ontdekt

 
Even iets anders. Wij kregen eens een -overigens anonieme- vraag op onze blog waarop de Palestijnse bewering gebaseerd is, dat Jeruzalem en de Tempelberg géén oude Joodse heligdommen zouden zijn:
 
"Interessante uitspraak, uiteraard zeer gevoelig en garant voor een hoop ophef. Mijn vraag is: is dit ooit onderzocht? Wat staat er in de geschiedenisboeken? Als zoveel mensen geloven dat de joden geen connectie met Jeruzalem hebben dan moet dat die gedachtegang toch op bepaalde bewijzen zijn gebaseerd toch? Jammergenoeg zie ik niks daarvan in het geschreven stukje. Weet iemand toevallig een website oid met informatie hierover?"
 
(Nadruk door mij)
Het antwoord is een duidelijk nee. Die 'gedachtegang' is niet op bepaalde bewijzen gebaseerd, maar op achterlijkheid, godsdienstwaan en schaamteloze propaganda met politieke doeleinden.
De vraag wat er in de geschiedenisboeken staat is te simpel voor woorden. Ik zou zeggen: lees er eens één....
 
Hieronder een bericht over de jongste ontdekking in de Oude Stad. Klik op de link onderaan voor afbeeldingen.
 
Wouter
____________________
 
September 3, 2008

Press Release 
www.israntique.org.il

The Southern Wall of Jerusalem that Dates to the Time of the 2nd temple was Discovered on Mount Zion

The southern end of ancient Jerusalem, from when the city was at its largest, was recently discovered in the form of an impressive city wall 2,100 years old

A large excavation which is being conducted by the Israel Antiquities Authority together with the Nature and Parks Authority, and underwritten by the Ir David
Foundation, was presented in a press conference that was held today (Wednesday)


An exciting discovery in Jerusalem constituting extraordinary remains of the wall of the city from the time of the Second Temple (second century BCE-70 CE) that was built by the Hasmonean kings and was destroyed during the Great Revolt, and also the remains of a city wall from the Byzantine period (324-640 CE) which was built on top of it, were uncovered in an extensive excavation that is currently underway on Mount Zion. The lines of these fortifications delineated Jerusalem from the south in periods when the ancient city had reached its largest size.

The new finds were presented today (Wednesday) at a press conference that was held on Mount Zion. The excavation has been in progress for the past year and a half, under the direction of archaeologist Yehiel Zelinger of the Israel Antiquities Authority, in cooperation with the Nature and Parks Authority and with financial support provided by the Ir David Foundation.

The project is being implemented as part of the master plan for the Jerusalem City Wall National Park, the purpose of which is to preserve the region around the Old City of Jerusalem as an open area for tourism. In the future the remains of the ancient city walls will be incorporated in a promenade that will encircle the southern side of Mount Zion and will continue along the northern bank of Gai Ben Hinnom and terminate in the City of David.

The lines of the wall that delineate Mount Zion from the west and the south were first discovered and excavated at the end of the nineteenth century (1894-1897) by the Palestine Exploration Fund, under the direction of the archaeologist Frederick Jones Bliss and his architect assistant, Archibald Dickie. The work methods they employed involved the excavation of shafts that were linked by subterranean tunnels which ran along the outer face of the city walls.

Over the years their shafts and tunnels have filled up with soil and a year and a half ago when archaeologists were asked to determine the location of the areas that were excavated one hundred years ago they were unsuccessful in doing so. By cross-referencing the plans of the old excavation with updated maps of the area from today archaeologist Yehiel Zelinger was able to locate the tunnel which the British expedition had dug. There remained in it "souvenirs" that were left behind by the early excavators in the form of one of the laborer's shoes, the top of a gas light which was used to illuminate the tunnels, as well as fragments of beer and wine bottles from 120 years ago.

According to Yehiel Zelinger, excavation director on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority, "Having located the two city walls on Mount Zion corroborates our theory regarding the expansion of the city toward the south during these two periods, when Jerusalem reached its largest size. In the Second Temple period the city, with the temple at its center, was a focal point for Jewish pilgrimage from all over the ancient world and in the Byzantine period it attracted Christian pilgrims who came in the footsteps of the story of the life and death of their messiah. The exposure of the Hasmonean city wall and the line of fortifications from the Byzantine period, which is dated 400 years later and is right on top of the former, prove that this is the most advantageous topographic location for the defense of the city. The artifacts indicate that in spite of the fact that the builders of the Byzantine wall were unaware of the existence of the wall from the time of the Second Temple they constructed their wall precisely along the same route". Zelinger adds, "The fact that after 2,100 years the remains of the first city wall were preserved to a height of three meters is amazing. This is one of the most beautiful and complete sections of construction in the Hasmonean building style to be found in Jerusalem".


Additional Information and Details

The Byzantine Period City Wall
 
Christian pilgrims of the fifth and sixth centuries CE ascribe the line of the city wall's construction to the Empress Eudocia, the estranged wife of Emperor Theodosius II. According to the historical sources of this period, the city wall was erected because of a biblical verse that appears in the Book of Psalms (51:20), "Do good in thy favor unto Zion; Build Thou the walls of Jerusalem". In translating the Bible to Greek the word that meant "do good in thy favor" was translated with a word that greatly resembled the name of the empress. Eudocia therefore concluded that the reference was explicitly intended for her and that it was she who was destined to build the walls of Jerusalem. In the excavation a section of the city wall was uncovered that rises to a maximum height of 3.30 meters and is approximately 2.50 meters wide. The wall was built of stones that were specifically quarried and dressed for this purpose; however, one can also discern some of the stones in its construction were probably taken from nearby ancient fortifications.

The Fortifications of the Second Temple Period
 
South of the line of fortifications from the Byzantine period and at a depth of approximately 4 meters below the elevation of its base, a tower that is preserved to a height of 3.20 meters was exposed which dates to the time of the Hasmonean Dynasty (the Second Temple period). The tower was built on the bedrock which was straightened and made fairly level. It was constructed of large stones that are characterized by a dressed boss in their center, with no bonding material between them. The "header-stretcher" construction method used in building the tower is typical of the Hasmonean period. The tower was part of the line of the "First Wall" that is described by Josephus. Other sections of the "First Wall" were revealed at the base of the western wall of the Ottoman city wall, in David's Citadel and in other excavations that were conducted in the Jewish Quarter. The soil fill and the pottery sherds that abut the city wall prove that it was used until the time of the Great Revolt and the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple in the year 70 CE.
Afterwards, the stones of the wall were taken for secondary use, probably in order to build "Aelia Capitolina", the Roman colony which the emperor Hadrian established on the ruins of Jerusalem in the year 131 CE.


Link for downloading images:
www.antiquities.org.il/about_eng.asp?Modul_id=14


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IMRA - Independent Media Review and Analysis
Website:
www.imra.org.il

Palestijnse minister van BuZa pessimistisch over vredesakkoord

 
Verschillende partijen en groeperingen in Israël gaan steigeren bij de gedachte aan een vredesakkoord waarbij Israël belangrijke gebieden in de Westoever en Oost-Jeruzalem zou prijsgeven. Dat is echter het enige vredesakkoord dat überhaupt mogelijk is, en een regering die meer vertrouwen van de bevolking geniet dan de huidige, en die voldoende veiligheidsgaranties en andere compromissen van de Palestijnen in ruil krijgt, zou waarschijnlijk kunnen rekenen op steun van een meerderheid van de bevolking voor zo'n akkoord.
 
De tegenstanders hebben echter waarschijnlijk weinig te vrezen: de Palestijnse positie is al gedurende het hele onderhandelingsproces zo onbuigzaam dat er weinig compromissen te verwachten lijken. De al dan niet voortgaande nederzettingenbouw -volgens mij is die toch grotendeels bevroren buiten Jeruzalem- lijkt daarbij vooral als excuus te worden gebruikt.
 
Wouter
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PA minister: No agreement on any issue
 
Tovah Lazaroff , THE JERUSALEM POST

 
Not a single word has been set on paper and there is no real agreement on the smaller points, let alone the core issues, of a peace deal between Israel and the Palestinians, PA Foreign Minister Riad al-Malki said on Wednesday.

Negotiations between the two sides continue on almost a daily basis in an effort to reach a deal by the end of 2008, Malki told the Israel Council on Foreign Relations in Jerusalem.

He struck a pessimistic note when he added that "until this moment," with four months left to go until that deadline, "they [the Israeli and Palestinian negotiators] did not start writing one single word on paper. The reason for this is that they do not really agree on any issue or sub-issue yet.

"But they are trying very hard and they have exchanged positions, ideas and maps," Malki said.

His words were echoed by Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salaam Fayad, who had been originally scheduled to address the council but at the last moment sent Malki in his stead.

In a statement that was read by Malki to the council, Fayad said, "I fear that the two-state solution is losing currency among both our peoples and with the world community beyond."

Extremists could take over the institutions of both sides, he said.

Their words followed a meeting on Sunday between PA President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Ehud Olmert that was likely their last face-to-face exchange before the Kadima primary on September 17.

Israeli officials discounted Malki's pessimism, saying that progress had been made on important issues such as final borders and that it was logical that nothing had yet been formally set in writing, although clearly there were portions of negotiations' contents that had been written down.

In what is seen as a sign of significant progress toward resolving the issue of settlement expansion, the cabinet is set to discuss an evacuation-compensation plan for settlers in Judea and Samaria on Sunday, according to the Prime Minister's Office.

The initiative, first proposed by Labor and Meretz politicians years ago and being handled at the cabinet level by Vice Premier Haim Ramon, would compensate settlers who move within the Green Line.

Sources in Kadima said the decision to discuss the initiative was politically motivated.

"This government's days are numbered and there is no place for [discussing Ramon's initiative] before the diplomatic process has developed. This move seems to [have been] planned by someone who wants to prevent Olmert's successor from forming a coalition with Shas or other nationalist parties.

"The discussion comes too soon, and [the] political aim and timing, on the Ramon-Olmert axis, is not coincidental," the sources said.

This is the first time that the proposal has reached the cabinet level. According to left-wing groups that have worked on this issue, such as One House, thousands of settlers would be willing to evacuate peacefully in return for compensation.

The main opposition to Ramon's plan is expected to come from Shas and other hawkish coalition partners who believe that no decision on the issue should be made less then two weeks before the primary after which the prime minister is expected to make good on his word and resign.

The plan is also expected to be fiercely opposed by the Likud, National Union-National Religious Party and Israel Beiteinu.

The Prime Minister's Office said, however, that there was no intention of making a decision on the subject right away and that no vote would be held on the issue at the present time.

"The prime minister wants to hear what his ministers have to say," Olmert's staff said in a statement.

The spokesman of the Council of Jewish Communities in Judea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip said, "The only evacuation pending is the evacuation of the government for the failures it has brought the citizens of Israel."

Foreign minister Tzipi Livni, at a Kadima primary campaign event in Tel Aviv on Wednesday evening, came out against dealing with the evacuation and compensation bill now, saying it would be possible to push it forward only after "we know what the borders will be."

"Only after the road map [peace plan] is implemented will it be possible to be move to the next level," she said.

Livni's main rival in the Kadima race, Transportation Minister Shaul Mofaz, came out "adamantly" against the proposal. "This is a law that weakens Israel, and weakens its position in the negotiations, and I will not support it," he said.

Sources close to Mofaz said the timing of bringing the bill to the cabinet now was odd, and indicated some discussions in the negotiations with the PA that Livni was heading were being kept from the public.

The sources said Livni should let the public know what was being discussed and "stop talking in two voices."

The cabinet discussion comes amidst harsh criticism by the Palestinians on Wednesday, including from Fayad and Malki, of settlement construction, which they say has increased sharply since the latest round of talks began in November 2007 in Annapolis, Maryland, contrary to Israel's agreement to refrain from such activity.

Such building destroyed the viability of a future Palestinians state, so "we understand by such actions that Israel does not want a viable state to be created," Malki said.

He declined to say what options the PA would consider should the idea of a two-state solution fall apart. But despite the dire warnings from Palestinian leaders that the two-state solution would soon be doomed, "We have to believe that a two-state solution is possible, but it depends on the attitude and the behavior of the Israeli government," Malki said.

Fayad said in the statement that Israel had to choose between settlements and a two-state solution.

The Palestinians, Malki said, were committed to reaching a peace accord by the end of 2008. It was possible, he said, if there was a desire on the Israeli side, that negotiations could continue in 2009 if that deadline was not met.

"I need the same assurances from the Israeli side and the international community. I do not know if the international community will maintain its interest in pursuing peace in 2009 as it did in 2008, he said.

He worried in particular that with the recent world events such as Russia's entry into Georgia, that the international community would lose its interest in solving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

"We do need them here [the international community] he told The Jerusalem Post after the meeting. "We cannot progress in any way without them."

The Palestinians, Malki told the council, were committed to working for peace now, 10 years from now and 100 years from now, because peace between them and the Israelis was in everyone's interest.

"We will do our utmost to achieve it," he said, adding, "The sooner the better."

For the Palestinians, he said, that solution means a withdrawal to the pre-1967 border. When it came to Jerusalem, where that border ran through the city, Malki said he respected Israel's decision to make Jerusalem its capital just as he hoped that Israel would likewise respect the Palestinians' decision that it was their capital as well.

"I do believe that Jerusalem is so important and so holy for all of us. You know that we could share [it]," he said.

Gaza was also an important part of the future Palestinian state, Malki said. "We have said it very clearly from the beginning that the problem in Gaza is a problem that we are determined to solve and we will solve it in due time."

Should a final-status agreement be reached with Israel, it would be the PA's responsibility to bring Gaza back under the PA's control, he said.

As an initial step in that direction, Abbas called in June for the start of a national dialogue among all the Palestinians factions, including Hamas. The PA had asked Egypt to create the "positive conditions and atmosphere" for such a dialogue, Malki said.

Even today, Egypt was working on a bilateral level with the representatives of the various factions to see if a national dialogue could be held under the umbrella of the Arab League.

"We are hopeful that all the factions will adhere to such an initiative and that this initiative will result in ending the separation between Gaza and the West Bank and will bring Gaza back under the full authority of the government leadership," Malki said.

Once Gaza and the West Bank were reunited, one of the first steps would be the creation of a coalition government that was not partisan and not factional, he said.
At that time the PA security services would be restructured.

It would also be helpful to have a pan-Arab force deployed in Gaza to help ensure order. It is an idea, said Malki, which has the support both of the PA and of Egypt.

He said he planned to raise the matter at the September 8 meeting of Arab foreign ministers in Cairo, should Egypt fail to open a debate on the issue.

"We will assess then exactly if this idea is possible and practical and under what conditions," Malki said.
 
 
Herb Keinon contributed to this report.
 

Olmert stelt internationale betrokkenheid voor in onderhandelingen over Jeruzalem

 
Abbas and his closest aides presented Olmert's emissaries with a series of reservations, and argued that they were being offered a "partial agreement" of the kind that will weaken Abbas. They also said that "the timing is not good for an agreement at this time."
 
Dit is tekenend voor de houding van de Palestijnen. Terwijl Israel met allerlei voorstellen komt en naar oplossingen zoekt, komt men met slappe excuses aanzetten. Waarom is de timing niet goed? Waarom zou die straks beter zijn? Als er onoverkomelijke bezwaren zijn, moet men die eerlijk op tafel leggen, en eerlijk tegen de Amerikanen zeggen dat al hun pogingen de partijen tot een overeenkomst te brengen vergeefse moeite zijn.
 
Shas heeft eerder gedreigd uit de coalitie te stappen als er over Jeruzalem onderhandeld zou worden. Dat lijkt onontkoombaar.
 
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Shas chief: Olmert has no authority to decide the fate of Jerusalem

By Aluf Benn, Barak Ravid and Avi Issacharoff
Haaretz
Last update - 10:56 31/08/2008
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1016586.html

 
Hours before Prime Minister Ehud Olmert was to suggest international involvement in negotiations over Jerusalem in a meeting with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, Shas Chairman Eli Yishai said Sunday that the prime minister has no legal or public authority to make a deal with the Palestinians, and certainly not to decide the fate of Jerusalem.

"The leadership of the Palestinian Authority is virtual," Yishai said. "Any agreement with them will be the basis for more terror. It is clear to everyone that Jerusalem's fate cannot be negotiated like it was a currency, and certainly not with international participation."

The Olmert-Abbas meeting, scheduled for Sunday in Jerusalem, will likely be their final session before the Kadima primary on September 17, after which Olmert will step down from his post.

Olmert was expected to try convincing the Palestinian leader to accept an agreement of principles on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, that will represent a framework for a two-state solution.

As far as Olmert is concerned, the talks with Abbas have entered the "final straight" and there are about two weeks left to reach an agreement before the prime minister steps down.

However, veteran Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat said Saturday that he does not expect the two sides to conclude a joint document during September.

Erekat made the comments Saturday following various reports that the Bush administration would like to present a joint document of understandings between Israel and the PA before the UN General Assembly in September.

Central in Olmert's proposal to the Palestinians is that the talks on sovereignty and control over the holy sites in Jerusalem be held under an international umbrella, where governments and other interested parties will be able to contribute their views. The negotiations will be held directly between Israel and the Palestinians, and international parties will not be able to impose their views on a solution. The role of the international parties would be to bolster the agreement that the two sides will agree upon in direct negotiations.

According to Olmert's proposal, a five-year timetable will be set out for completing a settlement on Jerusalem.

Olmert's proposal, which was discussed in recent talks with Abbas, is meant to bridge his promise to coalition partner Shas that Jerusalem will not be raised during the current round of talks, and the Palestinian demands that any agreement between the two sides would include mention of "all the core issues" - borders, security, refugees and Jerusalem.

The solution offered by the prime minister is to agree to a mechanism for discussing the issue of Jerusalem, and delay the substantive talks on the subject to the future.

This is the first time that Israel has proposed involving international parties on the Jerusalem issue, even if their role will be limited to a consultative one. The idea was raised during the Camp David talks of 2000, when Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat argued that he does not have a mandate to decide the future of the holy sites - which are important to the entire Muslim world - and rejected the offer of then-prime minister Ehud Barak to divide Jerusalem.

Olmert's proposal is meant to gain broad backing for the Palestinian leadership's decisions, and prevent any collapse of the agreement because of opposition from other countries and religious groups.

Olmert is probably planning to include in the negotiations members of the international Quartet (the U.N., U.S., EU and Russia), as well as Jordan, Egypt, the Vatican and possibly the king of Morocco. From Israel's point of view, broadening the international, inter-faith element only increases the chances of finding an acceptable agreement, even though there is risk in involving parties who are opposed to Israel's sovereign control over the holy sites in Jerusalem.

The prime minister presented his detailed proposal to the Palestinians to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice during her visit to Jerusalem last Tuesday. Rice told Olmert that "it is a very generous plan" for the Palestinians and discussed it with Abbas, with whom she met several hours after her talks with Olmert. Olmert told Rice that he presented his plan to Abbas a month ago, but the PA president had still not given him a final answer.

In the past few weeks, Olmert sent a number of emissaries to Abbas and his aides, in an attempt to convince them to adopt the plan. Among the emissaries were Vice Premier Haim Ramon, MK Yossi Beilin and U.S. businessman Daniel Abraham, a personal friend of the prime minister.

Abbas and his closest aides presented Olmert's emissaries with a series of reservations, and argued that they were being offered a "partial agreement" of the kind that will weaken Abbas. They also said that "the timing is not good for an agreement at this time."

In response, Olmert's emissaries said that an agreement will allow Abbas to present an achievement ahead of the PA presidential elections scheduled to take place in January 2009.