zaterdag 28 november 2009
Honger en schaarste in de Gaza Strook
Hamas wil dat Palestijnen die Gaza verlaten vooraf toestemming vragen
Hamas to Issue Permits for Palestinians Leaving Gaza
"Those wishing to travel through the Beit Hanun (Erez) crossing must obtain permission three days before the date of travel," the Hamas-run interior ministry said, referring to the sole pedestrian crossing into Israel.
The new measure would only apply to Palestinians and not to foreigners, the ministry said. Erez is the main crossing used by diplomats, aid workers, and journalists traveling between Gaza and Israel.
The ministry said it would also require members of security forces and civil servants employed by the West Bank-confined Palestinian Authority to obtain permits before travelling to Egypt via the Rafah crossing.
In recent months Hamas has ramped up security measures at Erez, setting up checkpoints to search bags and register the names and passport numbers of foreigners and Palestinians entering the territory.
The Islamist movement seized control of Gaza in June 2007 after a week of bloody clashes in which it drove out forces loyal to the Western-backed Palestinian president Mahmud Abbas, confining his rule to the West Bank.
Since then Israel has imposed strict sanctions on Gaza, limiting imports to vital humanitarian aid and severely limiting travel into or out of the territory. Egypt has largely cooperated with the closures.
Antisemitisme in Europa: nieuwe vooroordelen wakkeren de oudste haat aan
By Morten Berthelsen
investigations in other member states, to give the public an insight into the extent of anti-Semitism in Europe. Of Muslim immigrants questioned in the study, 31.9 percent say "there are too many Jews in Denmark." In fact, not even 6,000 Jews reside in Denmark, compared to some 200,000 Muslims.
Anja Meulenbelt in een burka?
Anja 'de schaamte voorbij' Meulenbelt in een burka. Dat moet dan wel de schuld van de Zionisten zijn.
Anja Meulenbelt in een burka
Ruim een jaar geleden debatteerde ik op mijn eigen Tilburgse universiteit met Dries Van Agt over het conflict in het Midden Oosten.
Van Agt had mij tot dit debat uitgedaagd omdat ik in een lokale krant had opgemerkt dat hij naïef was door te denken dat het conflict zou zijn opgelost als Israël zich van de Westoever zou terugtrekken. Tijdens dit debat liet ik zien dat in de 90 jaar die de Joodse-Arabische clash tot nu toe duurt beide partijen kansen hebben laten liggen om tot een vergelijk te komen. Dat geldt ook voor de Arabieren.
Zij hebben diverse malen voorstellen verworpen waar ze later blij mee zouden zijn geweest. Door ieder compromis af te wijzen kwamen de Arabieren na iedere nieuwe fase in het conflict uit op een positie die slechter was dan de vorige. Van Agt moest echter niets hebben van deze nuances. Dat de Arabieren schuld konden hebben in dit conflict was absoluut onmogelijk. Het waren de Joden/Israëliërs die geheel verantwoordelijk waren voor alle ellende in het gebied. Bovendien wat dacht ik wel dat ik daar iets vanaf zou kunnen weten.
Zoals hij al eerder over mij had geschreven in diezelfde lokale krant: "Hoewel van cruciale feiten onkundig, schrijft de heer Verbon er onbekommerd op los. In een onsamenhangende stapeling van zinnen heeft hij het over zelfmoordaanslagen, de Gazastrook en raketten, over de Palestijnse vluchtelingen en het handvest van Hamas." Zo schrijven mensen die denken de waarheid in pacht te hebben.
Wat schrijft nu Anja Meulenbelt in een reactie op mijn Joopstuk dat gesprekken met Hamas niet zonder voorwaarden vooraf moeten plaatsvinden? Het volgende: "Meneer Verbon bedient zich van twee argumenten, die alle twee geen hout snijden. Helaas begeeft ook hij zich op een terrein waar hij volstrekt geen kaas van heeft gegeten, en dat is de positie van vrouwen in Gaza." En even verderop: " Kortom, meneer Verbon, uw krakkemikkige verhaal ." Ook Meulenbelt probeert het Van-Agt middel uit: eerst proberen de tegenstander belachelijk te maken om vervolgens aan te tonen hoe veel gelijk ze zelf hebben.
Voor diegenen die mijn stuk niet en dat van Meulenbelt wel hebben gelezen: mijn stuk in Joop ging niet over Israël en ik heb ook niet beweerd dat aan Israël geen voorwaarden mogen worden gesteld. Mijn stuk ging over het 'binnenlandse' beleid van Hamas, onder andere richting vrouwen. Er is een sluipende Islamisering gaande in de Gaza-strook waar vrouwen het slachtoffer van worden. Ik noemde bijvoorbeeld het verbod voor vrouwen om op een motor te rijden. Onzin, zegt Meulenbelt: "Ik heb in de vijftien jaar dat ik er werk nog nooit een vrouw op een motor gezien ( ) en dat dat nu verboden zou zijn lijkt mij een broodje aap." Kom op, mevrouw Meulenbelt, typ eens in op Google: "Hamas women motorbike" en u krijgt bladzijde na bladzijde sites te zien die allemaal dit bericht over het verbod melden. De Guardian bericht erover, persbureau Reuters, ja, en hier moet Meulenbelt's hart toch pijn doen, zelfs de 'Association for Women Rights in Development' (Awid) maakt er melding van.
De Awid is toch echt geen 'zionistische' organisatie, maar het lijkt me dat daar eerder 'Sisters in Arms' van Meulenbelt zitten. Deze zelfde Awid maakte deze zomer al melding van een campagne van Hamas om meer Islamitische gedragswijzen aan de bevolking op te leggen. Dat zal niet lukken, zegt Meulenbelt, de vrouwen van Gaza zijn te veel aan hun vrijheid gehecht. Alsof tot de tanden bewapende Islamitische mannen zich veel gelegen laten liggen aan de vrijheid of het welzijn van vrouwen. Als de trend van de afgelopen maanden zich doorzet, zal er nog eens een dag komen dat Anja Meulenbelt haar zegenrijke werk in de Gaza-strook alleen nog kan doen met een burka aan.
Anja 'de schaamte voorbij' Meulenbelt in een burka. Dat moet dan wel de schuld van de Zionisten zijn.
Bekijk hier het stuk van Anja Meulenbelt
En lees hier het eerste stuk van Harrie Verbon over Hamas
Vredesplan Ray Hanania valt mee te leven in Israel en Palestina
Ray Hanania is een van de weinige Palestijnen die oprecht naar een oplossing streeft die zoveel mogelijk recht doet aan beide partijen. In onderstaand vredesplan heb ik met name een probleem met punt 4 (niet realistisch) en punt 6 omdat hij dit alleen van Israel vraagt. Gaat het gepaard met een Palestijnse (en Arabische) erkenning van het eigen aandeel, en zaken als de steun indertijd voor de nazi's en het nog steeds virulente antisemitisme en ontkenning van de Holocaust, dan lijkt me dit een belangrijk punt. Een wederzijdse erkenning dat men de ander leed heeft aangedaan en niet altijd genoeg oog had voor de rechten en gevoelens van de ander, zou een heel mooi gebaar zijn. Ik vind het echter vreemd dat Hanania, die verder zeer evenwichtig is, nu alleen van Israel verontschuldigingen vraagt.
A Palestinian peace plan Israelis can live with
By Bradley Burston
Ray Hanania is a compassionate and, in fact, delightful person, with rare insight into the aspirations and failings of Palestinians and Israelis. In the eyes of many, that alone ought to disqualify him from consideration as a leader in the Holy Land.
Add to that, the fact that the acclaimed journalist also happens to be a first-generation Palestinian-American married to a Jewish woman, as well as a stand-up comedian who has appeared alongside Jewish comics, and the self-destructively polarized electorate of the Holy Land will need to expend not a whiff of thought in dismissing him out of hand.
Which all makes his candidacy for the president of Palestine, and the Mideast peace proposal that is his platform, all the more compelling. He is realistic about his chances ("No, I don't expect to win"). But the Hanania plan embodies the radicalism of the truly moderate, and deserves much more than cursory consideration.
Consider his proposal for one of the thorniest municipal quandaries in the West Bank. Jews who wish to live in Hebron in a future state of Palestine, should be allowed to do so, he writes, "and should be protected, just as non-Jews. In fact, for every Jewish individual seeking to live in Palestine, a Palestinian should be permitted to live in Israel."
What Hanania is proposing is a two state solution that addresses not only quantifiable issues, but underlying emotional grievances, and the anguish in the histories of both sides. Cynics, and, in particular, the extremists among them, will reject it out of hand as simplistic and artificially balanced. But if peace is ever to be made in the Holy Land, it will be made despite extremists and not by them.
The following is the text of Hanania's outline. I have taken the liberty of numbering the clauses, with an eye toward facilitating discussion:
1. I support two-states, one Israel and one Palestine. As far as I am concerned, I can recognize Israel's "Jewish" character and Israelis should recognize Palestine's "non-Jewish" character.
2. I oppose violence of any kind from and by anyone. I reject Hamas' participation in any Palestinian government without first agreeing to surrender all arms and to accept two-states as a "final" peace agreement. But I also reject allowing Israeli settlers to carry any weapons and believe Israelis must impose the same restrictions on them.
3. I can support some settlements remaining - given the reality of 42 years of time passing - in a dunam-for-dunam land exchange. If Ariel is 500 dunams with a lifeline from Israel, then Israel gives Palestine 500 dunams in exchange.
4. Jerusalem should be a shared city and Palestinians should have an official presence in East Jerusalem. The Old City should be shared by both permitting open access to the city to all with a joint Palestinian-Israeli police presence.
5. Palestinian refugees would give up their demand to return to pre-1948 homes and lands lost during the conflict with Israel. Instead, some could apply for family reunification through Israel and the remainder would be compensated through a fund created and maintained by the United States, Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Saudi Arabia and the United Nations.
6. I also think Israelis should find it in their hearts to show compassion and offer their apologies to Palestinians for the conflict.
7. I support creation of a similar fund to compensate those Jews from Arab lands who lost their homes and lands, too, when they fled.
8. I think the Wall should be torn down, or relocated to the new borders. I have no problem separating the two nations for a short duration to help rebuild confidence between our two people.
9. All political parties, Palestinian and Israelis, should eliminate languages denying each other's existence, and all maps should be reprinted so that Israeli maps finally show Palestine and Palestinian maps finally show Israel.
10. A subway system should be built linking the West Bank portion of the Palestine state to the Gaza Strip portion of the Palestine State. Palestine should be permitted to build a seaport access to strengthen its industry, and an airport to permit flights and too and from the Arab and Israeli world.
11. I would urge the Arab World to renew their offer to normalize relations with Israel if Israel agrees to support the creation of a Palestinian State.
12. And I would ask both countries to establish embassies in each other's country to address other problems.
13. While non-Jewish Palestinians would continue to live in Israel as citizens, Jews who wish to live in settlements surrendered by Israel could become Palestinian citizens and they should be recognized and treated equally.
14. If Jews want to live in Hebron, they should be allowed to live in Hebron and should be protected, just as non-Jews. In fact, for every Jewish individual seeking to live in Palestine, a Palestinian should be permitted to live in Israel. In fact, major Palestinian populations in Israel could be annexed into Palestine (like settlements).
15. Another concept is to have non-Jews living in Israel continue to live there but only vote in Palestinian elections, while Jews living in Palestine would only vote in Israeli elections. A special citizenship protection committee could be created to explore how to protect the rights of minorities in each state.
16. Israel and Palestine should create joint-governing and security agencies working with the United States to monitor the peace, and establish an agency to pursue criminal acts of violence.
NOS Journaal en Nederlandse NGO's: anti-Israel met publieke gelden
by Yochanan Visser
In another related development, the Daily Standard, a Dutch operated news site, exposed the funding of anti-Israel groups by EU tax money via charities like Cordaid and Oxfam.
The anti-Semitic incident took place at a festival organized by a Dutch group for the Moslem holidays, which are taking place now. It was sponsored by the European Union via the Dutch charity Cordaid. NOS Journaal featured this festival in its prime time news show.
On the show, reporter Sander Van Hoorn blasted Israel for curtailing Arab culture in Jerusalem and interviewed Dutch artistic director Merlijn Twaalfhoven, who accused Israel of turning Jerusalem into a purely Jewish town. He said that the festival's aim was "to show the beauty of all those cultures which have been living together in Jerusalem for hundreds of years". Twaalfhoven reported that there is tension in Jerusalem and that an arrest the day before the festival prevented him from "drinking tea with Israelis". Van Hoorn added "No Jewish visitors are allowed at the festival of Twaalfhoven".
The next day Zohar met with Twaalfhoven to give him a chance to explain the incident. In an apparent attempt to excuse himself, he told Zohar that months before the festival, the Dutch team had to promise the local Arab people that Jews could not attend.
Zohar published an article in the Jerusalem Post about his experience with Dutch anti-Semitism in Jerusalem. IF wrote the NOS editorial news staff pointing out that they did not mention it in their coverage.
NOS Journaal was asked to comment on the incident and to explain how it could be that Jews were banned from the festival, but has not responded to date.
An earlier Israel Facts report this year exposed the NOS Journaal as a news show which is extremely biased against Israel. It proved that NOS violated its own journalistic code by not giving Israeli spokesmen the right of reply. The report stated that NOS was omitting facts and manipulating video footage to portray Israel in the most negative light. This has lead to questions in Dutch parliament and to a proposal for an overhaul in the state funded media by Remkes, a member of parliament for Dutch Liberal party VVD.
NOS Journaal was caught red handed when it tried to hush up one of the most serious anti-Semitic incidents recorded in Israel in recent years, an incident instigated by Dutch foreigners in the presence of the foreign press. By hushing up the incident, NOS crossed a red line, and recommends that the Dutch government implement the budget overhaul advocated by the VVD. Measures should be taken which will assure that the Dutch public will be informed about Israel in a responsible and professional way once again.
In the Netherlands the number of anti-Semitic incidents connected to events in Israel rose sharply this year. Israel Facts feels the reason may be the biased way events in Israel are reported by main stream media in the Netherlands. The visit of Israeli foreign minister Lieberman lead to a sharp increase in biased anti-Israeli articles in the main Dutch newspapers. One article denied the existence of the Jewish people. Even worse, most newspapers refuse to publish op-ed articles in which claims like these are countered.
92 Fatah terroristen vrijgelaten als gebaar naar Abbas
Ninety Fatah terrorists 'pardoned'
Nov. 27, 2009
YAAKOV KATZ and Jerusalem Post staff , THE JERUSALEM POST
"Hamas is discussing the proposal and we're holding talks," he told Israel Radio. "We hope a deal will ensue, but I can't say whether it will really happen or not, and if so, when."
Volgens Arabische media eindelijk voortgang in onderhandelingen over Shalit
Last update - 03:38 27/11/2009
Despite delays, Arab media report progress in Shalit talks
By Amos Harel and Avi Issacharoff, Haaretz Correspondent
However, Arab media outlets Thursday reported significant progress in the talks to free the soldier. Senior Hamas officials, namely the heads of Hamas' Damascus-based political bureau, did not say the talks have failed but that a number of clauses in the German mediator's proposal are problematic.
vrijdag 27 november 2009
Marwan Barghouti hoopt op vrijlating en deelname Palestijnse verkiezingen
Marwan Barghouti begins his election campaign - as a champion of Hamas
Barghouti: Shalit abduction achieved what no dialogue could
By Amos Harel and Avi Issacharoff, Haaretz Correspondents and Haaretz Service
Fatah leiders zitten niet te wachten op vrijlating Marwan Barghouti
Khaled Abu Toameh , THE JERUSALEM POST
But what is clear is that Barghouti, 50, is already planning, from his prison cell, how to succeed Mahmoud Abbas as president of the Palestinian Authority.
Barghouti himself made it clear in a newspaper interview published on Wednesday that he intends to run in a new presidential election. Earlier this week, his wife, Fadwa, also stated that her husband has his eyes set on the PA presidency.
Barghouti has been in prison since 2002 and there's a feeling that the PA leadership and many Fatah officials would prefer to see him remain behind bars.
Recent public opinion polls suggesting that Barghouti was the Palestinians' favorite choice for the job of PA president may be inaccurate or baseless.
Nonetheless, these polls have left many PA and Fatah representatives worried. Old guard officials like Abbas are worried because Barghouti represents a young generation of disgruntled Palestinians eager for regime change.
This is a generation that has long been struggling for a larger role in the decision-making process, but to no avail.
Yasser Arafat and his old-time colleagues who returned with him to the West Bank and Gaza Strip after the signing of the Oslo Accords prevented the young guard representatives from rising to power.
Abbas, who succeeded Arafat in January 2005, endorsed his predecessor's policy, keeping the young leaders away from bases of power in Fatah, the PLO and the PA.
Barghouti was one of the few Fatah operatives who dared to speak out against the policy of "marginalizing" him and the young guard, grassroots figures in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. He was also one of the few Palestinians who openly criticized rampant financial corruption in the Palestinian Authority.
Some of Barghouti's supporters in Fatah are convinced that senior officials in Arafat's office had tipped-off the Israelis about his hiding place.
Yet Barghouti is also seen as a threat by some leading young guard representatives in Fatah like Mohammed Dahlan and Jibril Rajoub, the two former security commanders who served under Arafat. Both Dahlan and Rajoub also see themselves as suitable candidates to succeed Abbas.
The release of Barghouti or, alternately, a decision by him to run in a new election is therefore likely to aggravate tensions in the ruling Fatah faction.
Barghouti is said to have close ties with the Hamas leadership, both in the Gaza Strip and Syria. Over the past two years, Barghouti has come out in support of unity between Fatah and Hamas. His release would not only undermine the status of the current Fatah and PA leaders, but it could also expedite the process of reconciliation between his faction and Hamas.
Some Palestinians, however, remain skeptical regarding Barghouti's chances of winning in a presidential election. They point out that Barghouti was at the head of the Fatah list that lost to Hamas in the January 2005 legislative election.
Unlike many in the Western media, Palestinian journalists and writers have rarely - if ever - referred to Barghouti as a "charismatic" leader or as the "Palestinian Nelson Mandela." Cynics and conspiracy theorists in the Palestinian territories go further by arguing that Barghouti is actually part of a US-Israeli scheme aimed at turning him into the next leader of the Palestinians. To back up their argument, they ask simple questions such as: Since when does Israel allow a security prisoner to give media interviews or hold meetings with Israeli, Palestinian, European and American officials in his prison cell?
Undoubtedly, Barghouti is respected by many Palestinians. Yet, this is not because he's the Palestinian Nelson Mandela or Salah Eddin - the Muslim warrior who drove the Crusaders out of Jerusalem - but because he's sitting in Israeli jail.
Barghouti is respected by many in Fatah, but his popularity among the faction's cadres is surely not as enormous as it's being portrayed by many Western journalists. Dahlan and Rajoub are believed to enjoy much more support among Fatah members and supporters in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Some Fatah operatives have even complained that the public opinion polls that have been predicting a sweeping victory for Barghouti were part of an EU-funded campaign designed to bolster his image among Palestinians as their only hope for the future.
Hamas houdt vast aan 'verzet'
This came in a speech during the funeral of martyrs Mohamed Al-Nawati and Ahmed Abu Guneima, resistance fighters of Al-Qassam Brigades, the armed wing of Hamas, who were killed during a Jihad mission east of Gaza city.
Hayya stressed the need for adopting the option of resistance as the only way that the can be used to restore the usurped Palestinian rights.
He highlighted that the martyrdom of these two resistance fighters in the eastern borders of Gaza during a Jihad mission was a clear sign that Al-Qassam Brigades is still on the battlefield.
In another context, Hamas lawmaker Ahmed Atwan, who was released few days ago from Zionist jails, said that the occupied city of Jerusalem is exposed to fierce Zionist attack to separate it from its past, present and future.
In a press statement, Atwan added that the Zionist occupation devoted its efforts to erase the historical identity of the holy city through unprecedented Judaization schemes.
The lawmaker called for pooling the efforts to protect the holy city and consolidate the Arab historical presence in the city, noting that the activities and efforts taking place are very limited and not commensurate with the sanctity of the city and its status.
For their part, Hamas lawmakers in the West Bank strongly denounced the ministry of prisoners in Ramallah for not inviting them to attend the international conference on the Palestinian prisoners in Zionist jails and participate in its events.
In a press release, the lawmakers said that the issue of Palestinian prisoners is a national issue and should not be monopolized by anyone.
They said that the ministry of prisoners in Ramallah deliberately prevented them from attending the conference despite the fact that all of them experienced detention life in Zionist jails and shared the concerns of Palestinian prisoners.
IDF verhindert bij Egyptische grens bomaanslag
Nov 26, 2009 20:10 | Updated Nov 26, 2009 21:32
Terror attack foiled as troops chase away man carrying bomb
By YAAKOV KATZ AND JPOST.COM STAFF
An IDF bomb squad detonated a 15-kilogram explosive seized during a search conducted along the Egyptian border on Thursday.
Late Wednesday night, IDF troops on a routine patrol of the border area spotted a suspicious figure carrying a bag containing what was later discovered to be a 15-kilogram bomb.
The soldiers ordered him to stop and fired several shots in the air. However, the man fled the scene back into Egypt, dropping the bag in his haste.
IDF sources said it was possible that the suspected terrorist was from the Gaza Strip and had crossed into the Sinai Peninsula with the intention of then crossing into Israel to carry out an attack.
The military has been following attempts to carry out attacks through the 'U-route', where Gazan terrorists travel to Egypt, then turn back upon reaching Sinai and infiltrate Israel via the more penetrable Israel-Egypt border.
Channel 10 quoted security officials as assessing the device was either meant to be used in Eilat, Israel's southernmost city, or in another major Israeli city to which the suspect would have been driven, in order to perpetrate a multiple-casualty attack.
OC Southern Command Maj. Gen. Yoav Galant praised the soldiers' alertness and quick response.
Mitchell en Clinton positief over bevriezing nederzettingen door Israel
Mitchell, Clinton welcome Israel settlement moratorium
By Natasha Mozgovaya, Haaretz Correspondent, and Agencies
Een jaar na de terreuraanslagen in Mumbai
By SIMON MCGREGOR-WOOD and JORDANA MILLER
donderdag 26 november 2009
Haat radio uit Nazi-Duitsland voor de Arabieren werkt nog steeds door
In a 2007 book, Jihad and Jew-Hatred: Islamism, Nazism and the Roots of 9/11 (Telos Press), the German political scientist Matthias Kuentzel details how Nazi ideology influenced Islamist ideologues like Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, as well as the Palestinian leader Haj Amin al-Husseini. More recent examples abound. The founding charter of Hamas, the militant Palestinian group, recapitulates conspiracy theories about Jews that were popular in Europe in the 20th century. Al Qaeda's war against "the Zionist-Crusader Alliance" and the anti-Zionist rants of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran also display a blend of anti-Semitic themes rooted in Nazi and fascist, as well as Islamist, traditions. To be sure, each of these movements and ideologies have non-European, local, and regional causes and inspirations. But the formulation of Nazi propaganda during World War II and its dissemination stand as a decisive episode in the development of radical Islamism.
After Hitler invaded Poland in September 1939, German embassies and consulates were closed throughout North Africa and the Middle East, hampering Nazi propaganda efforts. Between 1941 and 1943, as German forces were engaged in heavy fighting in North Africa, millions of leaflets were dropped from airplanes and distributed on the ground by propaganda units operating with Rommel's Afrika Korps. But in a region where fewer than 20 percent of adults were literate, radio was considered a much more effective medium of communication. Radio stations like Radio Berlin and the Voice of Free Arabism adapted Nazi propaganda to the circumstances of the Middle East.
Only a fraction of the Nazi regime's broadcasts in Arabic survived the war in the German archives. But in the fall of 1941, the American Embassy in Egypt began to produce verbatim English-language translations of Nazi broadcasts. Every week for the remainder of the war, the embassy sent a digest, "Axis Broadcasts in Arabic," to the secretary of state in Washington. In the parlance of contemporary intelligence operations, "Axis Broadcasts in Arabic" would be described as "open source" intelligence gathering, that is, an examination of what adversaries say in public. As far as I have been able to determine, "Axis Broadcasts in Arabic" comprise the most complete record of Nazi Germany's efforts to win the hearts and minds of the Arab and Islamic world.
That task was made more difficult because of ideas about Aryan racial superiority and purity that were central to Nazi ideology. Nazi diplomats had long been sensitive to the fact that such views made it difficult to garner Arab allies. Before the war, German officials went to great lengths to reassure Arabs that Nazi policies, like the Nuremberg Race Laws of 1935, were aimed strictly at Jews, not non-Jewish Semites. In addition, Arab leaders were given private assurances that the Third Reich opposed British and French colonialism, as well as Zionist aspirations in Palestine. But Mussolini's imperial ambitions around the Mediterranean remained at odds with an open declaration of support by the Axis powers for Arab independence. By the summer of 1942, however, when Hitler and Mussolini believed that they were on the verge of victory over the Allies in North Africa, the two leaders publicly called for an end to colonialism in the region. And for the remainder of the war, Nazi radio broadcast an unrelenting flood of anti-British, anti-American, anti-Soviet, and especially anti-Jewish propaganda into the Middle East. It was hate radio with a vengeance.
Those early broadcasts tended to present the Third Reich as an ally of both Arab nationalists and Muslim fundamentalists. Speeches by Hitler or Joseph Goebbels, his propaganda minister, were generally omitted. Instead, the programs combined commentary on political events in the Middle East with a selective appropriation and interpretation of the Koran. The broadcasts began with an incantation-"Oh Muslims"-and a call for listeners to return to the words of the Koran. During the winter of 1940-41, several broadcasts described Muslims as "backward" because they had "not shown God the proper piety and do not fear him." A return to traditional Islam, the broadcasts suggested, would lead to victory over Islam's enemies.
This appeal is indicative of the reactionary modernist character of Nazi propaganda, which combined modern technology with calls to reject modern liberal democratic values and institutions. The early Arabic-language broadcasts created the perception of affinity between Nazi ideology and the Koran.
Following the arrival of Husseini and Kilani in Berlin, the broadcasts more skillfully integrated the Nazi perspective on World War II with themes of Arab nationalism, as well as rhetoric that we would now call fundamentalist or radical Islamic. On July 3, 1942, as Rommel's Afrika Korps advanced toward El 'Alamein, about 60 miles west of Alexandria, Egypt, a station called Berlin in Arabic announced that German and Italian forces were coming to "guarantee Egypt's independence and sovereignty," and "to liberate the whole of the Near East from the British yoke." Husseini, who came on the air to celebrate Rommel's "glorious victory," declared that "the Axis powers are fighting against the common enemy, namely the British and the Jews."
In Germany, Nazi propaganda routinely blamed the Jews for starting World War II. Hitler, for instance, famously boasted that the war would result not in "the extermination of the Aryan race but rather the extermination of the Jewish race in Europe." In broadcasts to the Middle East, the Nazis repeated that claim, arguing that Britain and the United States were stooges of the Jews. An Allied victory, the Nazis warned, would mean Jewish domination of the Arab world and the success of Zionism. Germans were reassured by the regime that the process of "fulfilling Hitler's prophecy"-to exterminate and annihilate the Jews-was under way. In broadcasts to the Middle East, listeners were called upon to participate in the massacre.
At 8:15 p.m. on July 7, 1942, the Voice of Free Arabism played a remarkable program titled, "Kill the Jews Before They Kill You." The broadcast began with a lie: "A large number of Jews residing in Egypt and a number of Poles, Greeks, Armenians, and Free French have been issued with revolvers and ammunition" to fight "against the Egyptians at the last moment, when Britain is forced to evacuate Egypt." The broadcast continued:
"In the face of this barbaric procedure by the British we think it best, if the life of the Egyptian nation is to be saved, that the Egyptians rise as one man to kill the Jews before they have a chance of betraying the Egyptian people. It is the duty of the Egyptians to annihilate the Jews and to destroy their property. . You must kill the Jews, before they open fire on you. Kill the Jews, who have appropriated your wealth and who are plotting against your security. Arabs of Syria, Iraq, and Palestine, what are you waiting for? The Jews are planning to violate your women, to kill your children and to destroy you. According to the Muslim religion, the defense of your life is a duty which can only be fulfilled by annihilating the Jews. This is your best opportunity to get rid of this dirty race, which has usurped your rights and brought misfortune and destruction on your countries. Kill the Jews, burn their property, destroy their stores, annihilate these base supporters of British imperialism. Your sole hope of salvation lies in annihilating the Jews before they annihilate you."
This broadcast, which combined secular political accusations with an appeal to the religious demands of Islam, was unusual only insofar as it explicitly voiced genocidal intentions that were merely implicit in other declarations about the venality and power of the Jews. Two German historians, Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Martin Cüppers, recently uncovered evidence that German intelligence agents were reporting back to Berlin that if Rommel succeeded in reaching Cairo and Palestine, the Axis powers could count on support from some elements in the Egyptian officer corps as well as the Muslim Brotherhood. Mallmann and Cüppers also show that an SS division was preparing to fly to Egypt to extend the Final Solution to the Middle East. The British and Australian defeat of Rommel at the Battle of El 'Alamein prevented that from happening.
How was Nazi propaganda received by Arabs and Muslims in the Middle East? Research into this question has begun, but much more remains to be done by scholars who read Arabic and Persian. It is clear, as Meir Litvak and Esther Webman point out in their important new book, From Empathy to Denial: Arab Responses to the Holocaust (Columbia University Press), that the revulsion for fascism and Nazism that greatly influenced postwar politics in Europe was not nearly as prevalent in the Middle East. In a June 1945 report, the Office of Strategic Services, the precursor to the Central Intelligence Agency, determined that "in the Near East the popular attitude toward the trial of war criminals is one of apathy. As a result of the general Near Eastern feeling of hostility to the imperialism of certain of the Allied powers, there is a tendency to sympathize with rather than condemn those who have aided the Axis." The OSS concluded that there was no support in the region for bringing pro-Axis Arab leaders like Husseini and Kilani to trial.
In the first months after the war, as the scope of the Jewish catastrophe in Europe was being revealed, Arab and Islamic radicals showed no sign of reconsidering their hostility to Zionism. On June 1, 1946, the OSS office in Cairo sent a report to Washington about a statement made by Hassan Al-Banna to the Arab League on the occasion of Husseini's return to Egypt. Banna, the leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, celebrated Husseini as a "hero who challenged an empire and fought Zionism, with the help of Hitler and Germany. Germany and Hitler are gone, but Amin Al-Husseini will continue the struggle. ... There must be a divine purpose behind the preservation of the life of this man, namely the defeat of Zionism. Amin! March on! God is with you! We are behind you! We are willing to sacrifice our necks for the cause. To death! Forward March."
Banna's hope that Husseini would "continue the struggle" indicates that Banna perceived the battle against Zionism as a continuation of Nazism's assault on the Jews. Sayyid Qutb, another extremely influential member of the Brotherhood, incorporated anti-Jewish ideas from Europe to forge a new jihadist ideology. In his essay from the early 1950s, "Our Struggle With the Jews," which became central in the canon of radical Islamist texts - the essay was republished in 1970 and distributed throughout the world by the monarchy in Saudi Arabia - Qutb argued that Jews are implacable enemies of Islam. As such, Qutb wrote, Jews merited "the worst kind of punishment." Qutb claimed that Allah had sent Hitler to earth to "punish" the Jews for their evil deeds. In so doing, Qutb justified, rather than denied, the Holocaust. This paranoid analysis, in turn, influenced the authors of the charter of Hamas, which blends Islamist fundamentalism with the Nazi ideology of mid-20th century Europe. The Hamas Charter holds Jews responsible for the French and the Russian Revolutions, World War I and World War II, as well as the founding of the United Nations - all of which were, Hamas argues, orchestrated for the purpose of furthering Jewish world domination.
Many decades and events stand between World War II and contemporary expressions of radical Islam. Yet the transcripts of Arabic-language propaganda broadcasts offer compelling evidence of a political and ideological meeting of minds between Nazism and radical Islam. The toxic mixture of religious and secular themes forged in Nazi-era Berlin, and disseminated to the Middle East, continues to shape the extreme politics of that region.
Jeffrey Herf is a professor of modern European and German history at the University of Maryland at College Park and author of The Jewish Enemy: Nazi Propaganda During World War II and the Holocaust (Harvard University Press, 2006). His latest book is Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World, published this month by Yale University Press.