dinsdag 17 augustus 2010

Israëlische soldate poseert op foto gevangen Palestijnen, wereld reageert geschokt

 
Dat de foto's in Israel voor veel ophef zorgen, zegt veel over het land: foto's waarop een glimlachende soldate staat met geblinddoekte Palestijnen worden fel veroordeeld alsof ze de meest gruwelijke misdaden laten zien. Laat me duidelijk zijn: ik vind ze smakeloos en ongepast en kan me voorstellen dat Palestijnen ze als zeer vernederend ervaren. Het is niet leuk om vastgebonden en geblinddoekt te worden, en het is nog minder leuk om zo op de foto te worden gezet met een triomfantelijke vrouwelijke soldaat ervoor. Voor de soldate was het waarschijnlijk gewoon een kiekje van een routine operatie tegen Palestijnen die illegaal de grens met Gaza over waren gekomen, voor anderen laat het zien hoe Israel geniet van de macht. De verklaring van de Palestijnse autoriteit is overigens onzinnig, want het betreft een legerbasis in Israel zelf en heeft dus niks met de bezetting te maken.
 
Voor echt gruwelijke foto's van waartoe soldaten van een beschaafd land in staat zijn, scroll je even naar onder.
 
RP
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Israëlische soldate poseert op foto gevangen Palestijnen, wereld reageert geschokt

Foto's die een Israëlische soldate plaatste op Facebook en waarop te zien is hoe ze poseert voor Palestijnse gevangenen veroorzaakt een mediastorm in Israël en daarbuiten.

Let wel, op deze foto's zijn geen mishandelingen of folteringen te zien, enkel een niet al te slimme en tactloze soldate die niet inziet dat poseren voor zulke scènes op zijn minst zeer ongevoelig overkomen, namelijk 'je lacht niet met de miserie van anderen'. Toch reageerde de soldate dat ze zich van geen kwaad bewust was.

Het leger heeft het voorval scherp veroordeeld en belooft juridische stappen te ondernemen.

Bij deze gebeurtenis mogen we niet uit het oog verliezen dat wat vooral van belang is, niet zozeer het gedrag van één soldaat is, maar wel hoe het publiek in Israël, de pers, de politiek en het leger zelf omgaan met de feiten. En daar treffen we een unanieme veroordeling van de feiten aan.

Deze foto's zijn natuurlijk klein bier in vergelijking met wat onze jongens in Somalië hebben uitgericht in 1997 en waarvan foto's in Het Laatste Nieuws werden gepubliceerd. Even het geheugen opfrissen:

"Een Belgische para die op het hoofd van een gesneuvelde Somaliër staat te urineren; een tweede soldaat, die zijn woestijnlaars op het hoofd van een eveneens dode Somaliër zet; én het afmaken door Belgische para's van een Somaliër. Over het laatste voorval verklaarde de woordvoerder van het Belgische leger dat het om een standaardprocedure ging. Lees de rest via deze link.

Even later dook een foto op van Belgische soldaten die een Somalisch jongetje martelde door hem boven een open vuur te houden.

 

Onderzoeken Gaza Flotilla overshaduwen commissie burgeroorlog Sri Lanka in de media

 
"Waarom toch altijd Israel?" is een vraag die vriend en vijand bezig houdt. Ik kan begrijpen dat Israel gevoelsmatig dichterbij ligt, maar ik begrijp niet dat mensen blijven zeggen dat Israel met van alles wegkomt dat andere landen niet mogen, terwijl het in feite precies omgekeerd is. Tijdens de Gaza oorlog werd Israel continu van de meest grove schendingen van de mensenrechten beschuldigd, terwijl het Sri Lankese leger een stukje verderop ongehinderd door lastige media en internationale bemoeienis de Tamil Tijgers een kopje kleiner maakte. Daarbij vielen vele duizenden burgerslachtoffers (schattingen lopen van 7.000 tot 30.000) terwijl bij de Gaza oorlog in totaal ca. 1.200 doden vielen aan Palestijnse zijde, waarvan zeker de helft strijders.
Israel is sindsdien ook fel bekritiseerd omdat het niet wilde meewerken aan een internationaal onderzoek naar de zaak, en dat haar eigen onderzoeken niet zouden deugen. Er was tegelijkertijd nauwelijks aandacht voor het onderzoek dat Sri Lanka deed naar de gevechten die zoveel bugers het leven kostten.
 
RP
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Flotilla inquiries overshadow Sri Lankan civil war commission

http://www.justjournalism.com/media-analysis/view/flotilla-inquiries-overshadow-sri-lankan-civil-war-commission

13 August 2010

This week has seen considerable coverage of the developments surrounding the multiple investigations into Israel's boarding of the Mavi Marmara, which resulted in nine dead passengers and several wounded Israel Defence Force soldiers. Firstly, several top-ranking Israelis, including the Prime Minister, were called before the Turkel Committee. Secondly, Israel agreed to participate in a UN inquiry, before raising concerns about its soldiers being forced to give evidence.

The amount of coverage that the inquiries into Israel's actions have received are in stark contrast to that given to an ongoing inquiry into how the Sri Lankan military conducted its operations against the Tamil separatists in 2009. That military campaign, which brought to an end a long running civil war, allegedly resulted in the deaths of thousands of civilians; the UN estimates that 7,000 were killed, while the International Crisis Group contends that at least 30,000 died.

(Just Journalism analysed the disparity in how the Sri Lankan campaign and Israel's Operation Cast Lead, which occurred during the same time period, were portrayed in the media. To read our special report on the subject, click here. http://www.justjournalism.com/special-reports/download/Israel_and_Sri_Lanka_-_a_media_analysis_of_war_crimes_allegations.pdf)

In the broadsheets, there were 13 articles on the Israeli inquiries, covering the appearances of Prime Minister Netanyahu, Defence Minister Barak, and Chief of General Staff Ashkenazi, as well as the ongoing negotiations over the scope of the UN inquiry. The Financial Times published a single article – 'Netanyahu defends attack on aid ship', by Vita Bekker – while The Daily Telegraph published the most, with four.

In contrast, there were only two articles published in the broadsheets on the Sri Lanka inquiry – and one of these only appeared online. The Independent published 'Sri Lanka's civil war inquiry is 'eyewash', say Tamils', by Andrew Buncombe, while The Guardian's 'Sri Lanka civil war commission begins hearing' was an online article lifted from the Associated Press.

On the BBC News website, the Sri Lankan commission was given as much coverage as the developments surrounding Israel's inquiries, with both being covered with two articles each.
 

Kashmir is niet Palestina en Indiërs zijn geen Israëli's...

 
Kashmir is geen Palestina, en daarom kan India er de mensenrechten met voeten treden zonder dat er reportages over verschijnen op het NOS journaal, artikelen in diverse media India als schurkenstaat afschilderen waarmee Nederland de relaties moet verbreken en woedende demonstranten eisen dat winkels geen producten meer uit India verkopen.
 
'India maintains a force of several hundred thousand troops and paramilitaries in Kashmir, turning the summer capital, Srinagar, into an armed camp frequently under curfew and always under the gun. The media is labouring under severe restrictions. Torture and human rights violations have been well documented.'
 
Aldus een artikel in het linkse The Nation, dat vervolgens een vergelijking maakt met Israels behandeling van de Palestijnen. Nogal onterecht, meent Just Journalism, want:
 
Since 1989, the start of the Muslim separatist rebellion, 78,000 people have died in Kashmir. That's ten times the number of people who have died in the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1967, which includes both Palestinian intifadas and last year's much-reported Gaza war.
 
(NB: bij dit cijfer heeft men de oorlogen met de Arabische buurlanden niet meegeteld, en het is daarom niet helemaal juist om van doden in het 'Arabisch-Israelische conflict' te spreken.)
 
Bovendien zijn er liefst 700.000 Indische soldaten in Kashmir terwijl het Israelische leger zich uit de Gazastrook heeft teruggetrokken en in de steden op de Westoever nauwelijks nog aanwezig is. De vergelijking gaat natuurlijk op nog veel meer punten mank, en steeds in het voordeel van Israel. Desondanks heeft India een positief en vredelievend imago, zeker ook onder links georiënteerde mensen, terwijl Israel door veel mensen als de grootste bedreiging van de wereldvrede en een schurkenstaat wordt gezien.
 
RP
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VIEWPOINT: Kashmir is not Palestine
13 August 2010
Michael Weiss
 

The Kashmir valley, the Indian-controlled but Muslim-majority territory on India's disputed border with Pakistan, has seen at least 53 people killed in the last two months in violent clashes between security forces and civilian protestors. According to Simon Tisdall writing in yesterday's Guardian ('India's blinkered policy on Kashmir'), the current crisis invites comparison to 'Israel's treatment of Palestinians.'

This latest outbreak of rioting and fighting in Kashmir began on June 11 after a 17-year-old student was shot and killed by police in the summer capital of Srinagar. According to The Guardian's Jason Burke, 'In recent days, thousands of youths have pelted security forces with rocks, burned government offices and attacked railway stations and official vehicles in steadily intensifying violence.' India has imposed a strict curfew on the valley region, which, according to a report in The Spectator, has allowed some people out of their homes for just a single hour each week.

So far 53 people have been killed in the escalated violence, most of them rock-throwing demonstrators or unarmed protestors who have been fired upon by Indian paramilitary troopers.

Tisdall, seemingly aware of these facts, cites Barbara Crossette, a writer for the American left-wing magazine The Nation:

'India maintains a force of several hundred thousand troops and paramilitaries in Kashmir, turning the summer capital, Srinagar, into an armed camp frequently under curfew and always under the gun. The media is labouring under severe restrictions. Torture and human rights violations have been well documented.'

It is after this paragraph that Tisdall observes, 'Comparisons with Israel's treatment of Palestinians were not inappropriate.'

A glib, pass-by analogy such as this leaves the reader unacquainted with the deeply contrastive histories and scales of the Arab-Israeli and Kashmir conflicts. Their largest similarity is their near simultaneous origins in the 1947-1948 period, which saw both the founding of the State of Israel and the British partitioning of the Indian subcontinent. But a little further context would be useful.

Since 1989, the start of the Muslim separatist rebellion, 78,000 people have died in Kashmir. That's ten times the number of people who have died in the Arab-Israeli conflict since 1967, which includes both Palestinian intifadas and last year's much-reported Gaza war.

The Kashmir Valley is today militarily occupied by 700,000 Indian security forces, with more on the way, whereas the IDF's occupational footprint in the West Bank has steadily eroded over the past two years. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Israeli roadblocks in the West Bank have been reduced by 20 percent in the last year alone, with "manned checkpoints, roadblocks and other barriers [dropping] to 505 from a peak of 626." The IDF is also planning to deconstruct part of the Jerusalem barrier wall that separates the Israeli town of Gilo from the West Bank town of Beit Jala. The cause for the decision, according to Haaretz, is the dramatic absence of Arab-Israeli violence in an area that was formerly a cynosure for it.

Also consider that the UN presence in Kashmir is negligible compared with its omnipresence in Gaza and the West Bank. As of May 31, 2010, the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) employed 44 military observers, supported by 23 international civilian personnel and 48 local civilian staff: 115 people, in other words, to survey a region the size of the United Kingdom. By contrast, the UN Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA), which administers health, social services and schools for Palestinian in 900 installations in the West Bank and Gaza, employes nearly 30,000 staff for a territory the size of Norfolk and the Isle of Wight put together.

Another problem in comparing Kashmir to Palestine is that Palestine's internal security is largely maintained by Palestinians. There are at present 25,000 members of the Palestinian Authority Security Forces, including 2,100 paramilitary troops that have been trained by the U.S. Army. These troops are regularly mobilized by the Palestinian Prime Minister Salam Fayyad to conduct autonomous operations against sectarian militants in the West Bank. (In fact, the bulk of accusations of torture and human rights violations against Palestinians living in the West Bank today are directed against their own security forces.)

Finally, while most foreign journalists are wary of traveling to Kashmir because of not-so-subtle hints from New Delhi that unflattering dispatches might lead to revoked visas, Jerusalem evidently takes a more liberal policy to international scrutiny. Since June 1, Tisdall's colleague, Guardian Middle East correspondent Harriet Sherwood, has published 14 articles from the West Bank and Gaza, where there is indeed a military curfew in place right now - imposed and upheld by the Hamas regime.

 

maandag 16 augustus 2010

PA roept Palestijnen op Israelische ziekenhuizen te mijden

 
Dergelijke hypocrisie is binnen de PA heel gewoon, en zie je op velerlei gebied. Zo levert een bedrijf van familie van Saeb Erekat onderdelen voor de afscheidingsbarriere. Als men eraan kan verdienen, werken PA functionarissen graag samen met Israel en verkopen land of huizen aan Joden, terwijl er binnen de PA een wet is die dit verbiedt.
 
Hat tip: The Muqata
 
RP
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The PA is announcing a new initiative for PA residents to use Palestinian medical services and hospitals, and not use Israeli health care.

The PA Ma'an radio reports:
Minister Fathi Abu Moghli told Ma'an radio that referrals would stop "because our hospitals can cover all medical services qualitatively." Certain patients will still require treatment abroad, he said, but the majority can be treated locally.

"We endeavor to reduce the cases which need referral abroad as long as they can receive adequate treatment locally," the PA minister said, adding that between 2008 and 2009, the number of patients being treated abroad was reduced by 50 percent.

"Referrals for treatment abroad is kind of a culture imposed by the Israeli occupation after 1967 when the Palestinian health system was made dependent on the Israeli system. Even the PA failed to change this culture and officials enhanced it by using their influence to help certain patients get referrals for treatment in Israel," Abu Moghli added.
 
 
Last week I was called to a road accident in my capacity as a medic, and I saw Palestinian motorists begging Magen David Adom ambulances to take their severely wounded children to Israeli hospitals, yet the Palestinian Red Crescent ambulance crews said they would take the wounded to a Palestinian hospital in Shechem.

I was at an accident where PA policeman made an illegal U-turn in the middle of a highway, and caused an immediate fatal collision with another Palestinian car, resulting in 3 Palestinian deaths, and the PA policemen were severely wounded. They also begged to be taken to Israeli hospitals, and due to being "PA police", they were even transported to Israel for treatment.

If the PA is so insistent, let them use Palestinian hospitals -- it's not like Palestinian terrorists show any goodwill to Israel for healing cancer stricken Palestinian children. Just a few weeks ago, we learned how only 2 weeks after an Israeli NGO financed cancer treatment at Hadassah Hospital for a Palestinian child, the child's father was involved in planning and executing a terror attack against Israelis, killing an Israeli policeman.

Good Riddance.
 

Hamas is bang voor verlies steun bevolking in Gaza (Amira Hass)

 
Hamas heeft de afgelopen jaren veel aan steun ingeboet in Gaza, en dat is volgens Amira Hass de belangrijkste reden dat men nu alle politieke activiteiten van anderen verbiedt, en steeds repressiever wordt. Dat is waarschijnlijk, maar ze onderschat de radikale ideologie van Hamas. Hamas is van nature een extremistische organisatie die een vorm van de islam aanhangt waarin alles in het teken staat van de strijd voor Allah en tegen de ongelovigen en geen ruimte is voor andersdenkenden. Er is geen gematigde stroming binnen Hamas, zoals je ook geen gematigde nazi's had of halve fascisten. Natuurlijk zijn er extremere en minder extreme mensen, en verschillen van inzicht over de beste strategie om je doelen te bereiken.
 
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Haaretz / Aug. 16, 2010
What Hamas is really afraid of

Hamas suppression of any Gaza protest that it sees fit shows that the Islamic movement ruling Gaza is in dire need for some public support.

By Amira Hass
http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/features/what-hamas-is-really-afraid-of-1.308264

"I wish these pictures reached leftists abroad," my friend said to herself Tuesday as she watched Hamas police use rifle butts and clubs to beat her friends - activists from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Although my friend has never been a fan of the Fatah government in the West Bank, she is outraged by the romanticization of Hamas rule by foreign activists.

Photographs of Tuesday's protest will be hard to come by, as the Hamas police prevented photojournalists from doing their job. At some point, shots were fired into the air to disperse the PFLP protesters in Gaza City, a demonstration Hamas called an illegal gathering. Many protesters were injured and needed medical attention; others were detained for some time.

"We women weren't physically attacked by the police," my friend told me later on the phone. "They only swore at us." The profanity, mostly variations on "whore," was accompanied by words like "Marxist," which the police see as an insult. They don't need to know exactly what it means - it's among dreadful words like atheism, communism and dialectic materialism. In other words, all the terms that don't explain the world as Allah's creation.

Hamas and the PFLP have a lot in common: opposition to the Oslo Accords, glorification of the armed struggle and opposition to direct negotiations with Israel. Many of the PFLP's supporters, especially the younger ones, are also religiously observant. But in terms of social vision and ideological temperament, the gaps seem as wide as they were in the 1980s, when the Muslim Brotherhood aimed most of its attacks at "heretics," especially the Palestinian left, then many times stronger than today.

Senior Hamas officials may watch their language when they talk with representatives of the depleted left, but the real attitude shines through in the conduct of younger activists and people lower in the hierarchy. They don't stand so much on pretense and openly express the spirit of the times.

But it wasn't Marxism that brought some 500 PFLP activists to the western end of Omar al-Mukhtar Boulevard in Gaza City, to Unknown Soldier Square in front of the Palestinian Legislative Council (or what was left of it after Operation Cast Lead ). The demonstrators came out to protest the electricity supply crisis in Gaza. Was this an odd choice for a rally by a veteran, proud political organization? Not in Gaza.

Since the beginning of the year, the residents of the Strip have been suffering from scheduled power cuts that last more than eight hours each day. Between 2006 and 2009, the European Union funded the industrial fuel used at the local power station. In November 2009 it was decided, together with the Ramallah government, that the Palestinian Authority will start paying for the diesel, in addition to the electricity bill it pays to Israel.

Since then, the quantity of fuel entering Gaza has fallen steadily. In the first week of August, for example, only 812,006 liters of diesel fuel - 23 percent of what is needed - entered the Strip. In Ramallah they claim that the company collecting electricity bills in Gaza is not doing its job properly and/or transfers some of the money to Hamas' coffers. Hamas denies this. Ramallah also says Hamas is playing on the people's suffering. The PFLP, through its protest, says it doesn't believe either side, and that the supply of energy has fallen victim of a political rivalry.

According to Palestinian law, demonstrations, public assemblies and political meetings do not need a license from the authorities. The authorities only need to be informed to be able to direct traffic accordingly. On August 5, the PFLP told the Gaza authorities of the protest.

"They said to us there's no need for the protest because the problem has been solved," one activist told Haaretz. "We said this was wrong and that the crisis was still going on. We held discussions with Hamas and the Interior Ministry. They insisted we may not protest. We insisted we may."

"By 'sheer coincidence,' an hour and a half before our protest, Hamas women came out in large numbers to the same place to demonstrate in support of the government on the electricity issue, with loudspeakers. When we arrived, hundreds of police with clubs and rifles were waiting, while the driver of the truck that carried our loudspeakers left the place very quickly, following a request from the police," the activist said.

"He was only hired for that, and he was scared. After some friction with the police, our representative said a few brief sentences about our position. After that, we were dispersed very violently." Some of the younger activists tried to defend themselves by pushing the police away with the plastic chairs left from the pro-Hamas demonstration.

Hamas understood the subtext of the PFLP protest all too well. The PFLP is unwilling to see the Hamas regime as a mere victim, either of Israel or the PA. You took power? Take responsibility as well.

But the shamelessly brutal suppression of the protest shows just how scared the Gaza government is. It has suppressed all activities by Fatah in the Strip, be it public or internal.

Last week, it prevented a protest by the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine in the al-Maghazi refugee camp, also based on the electricity crisis. It even banned a celebration by the Khan Yunis refugee committee for students who passed their matriculation exams.

This is because any activity not controlled by Hamas or protesting the Israeli siege is defined as a threat to the movement's rule. If Hamas felt it still had public support, it wouldn't need to suppress any activity that it didn't initiate or finds unflattering.

Protest in Tel Aviv tegen uitwijzen kinderen gastarbeiders

 
Opvallend is de rol van de (ex-)premiersvrouwen hierin. Het laat zien dat de kritiek op deze maatregel niet beperkt is tot links, maar breed wordt gedragen, dit ondanks het feit dat het maar over een beperkte groep gaat. Juist omdat het maar zo'n beperkte groep is begrijp ik totaal niet waarom de verantwoordelijke minister, Eli Yishai, erop staat dat ze worden uitgezet. Overigens heeft eerder de kibboetzbeweging aangeboden de kinderen te huisvesten.
 
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The Jerusalem Post
Tel Aviv protest: 'Let the kids stay'
By RON FRIEDMAN AND JPOST.COM STAFF
08/14/2010 21:19
http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?id=184747

Hundreds march against deportation of foreign worker's children.

 
Hundreds of protesters took part in a demonstration against the government's decision to deport 400 children of foreign workers, in Tel Aviv, on Saturday evening.

The protesters called on the government to reverse its decision to deport the families of children who failed to meet criteria set out by an inter-ministerial decision, claiming the decision was "heartless," and that allowing the children to stay would strengthen Israel's reputation as a humane and moral state.

The protesters carried signs reading "No to the deportation," and "Let the children stay."

On Friday, Prime Minister Binyamin Neyanyahu's wife, Sara Netanyahu, sent a letter to Interior Minister Eli Yishai pleading with him to find a solution that would allow the children destined to be deported to remain in the country. Yishai has been at the forefront of the initiative to expel the children and their families, claiming they posed a threat to Israel's Jewish character and that allowing them to stay would set a dangerous precedent.

"Dear Eli, I turn to you as a mother of two young sons and a psychologist in the public service," Netanyahu wrote to Yishai. "From the depth of my heart, I ask of you to exercise your authority... and allow most of the 400 children to stay in Israel."

She added that she had expressed her opinion about the children of foreign workers to her husband on several occasions prior to the government's decision and that her entreaties may have influenced the prime minister's decision to let 800 of the children remain in Israel.

"Israel must find a solution for these children. I would like to believe that my pleas on this matter helped the prime minister's position that 800 out of 1,200 children in question were allowed to stay. I am certain that in this case too, you can find a creative solution for the children of the foreign workers [through] the government's decision and the power you hold as interior minister, in a way which will not harm Israel's national interests as a Jewish state and its policy on immigration," Netanyahu wrote.

Yishai has been adamant in his belief that all of the foreign workers' children should be deported, stating in a Wednesday interview with The Jerusalem Post "Former prime ministers [Ariel] Sharon and [Ehud] Olmert both said a 'bit more and then that's it.' There is no end to it. I wouldn't let any of them stay here, not 800, not even one."

The decision to deport the 400 children that don't meet certain criteria to stay in Israel has been controversial. Some including Defense Minister Ehud Barak, have characterized the move as "inhumane and un-Jewish."

According to the latest government decision, in order to meet the criteria to stay, children must be registered in the Israeli school system. They must speak Hebrew. They had to have been either born in Israel, or entered before their 13th birthday. They had to have lived in Israel for at least five consecutive years and the children's parents had to have entered Israel under a legal permit.

Detractors of the decision have pointed at Yishai personally, prompting the interior minister to complain of a "lynch" against him in an interview with Army Radio on Thursday.

Among the protesters in Tel Aviv was another famous spouse. Former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's wife, Aliza, has been active in the battle to have the children remain for months and has repeatedly called for the government to show compassion and allow all the children to stay in the country.
 
 

Moslimraad Jeruzalem wilde omstreden islamitische begraafplaats al in 1945 opruimen

 
Israel heeft de honderden nepgraven verwijderd die door Arabieren in een park in Jeruzalem waren aangebracht.
Medewerkers van de gemeente noemen het een van de grootste misleidingen in recente jaren.
 
De islamitische begraafplaats aan de rand waarvan de graven waren aangebracht, is overigens niet meer in gebruik sinds 1927.
 
Earlier this year, however, The Jerusalem Post learned that the Supreme Muslim Council of British Mandate Palestine had planned to build a large commercial center directly on top of the cemetery in 1945.
A November 22, 1945 article from The Palestine Post (the pre-state name of The Jerusalem Post), forwarded to the Wiesenthal Center in February, reported the council's plans to build "a six-storeyed building to house the Supreme Moslem Council and other offices, a four-storeyed hotel, a bank and other buildings suitable for it, a college, a club and a factory" directly over the cemetery.

The 1945 article also describes plans by the council to transfer remains buried in the cemetery to a separate, "walled reserve" and cites rulings from prominent Muslim clerics at the time allowing for the building plans to go ahead.
 
RP
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The Jerusalem Post
Fake graves cleared from J'lem cemetery
By ABE SELIG
08/15/2010 01:21


"Islamic officials" blamed for attempting to "illegally seize state land."

http://www.jpost.com/Israel/Article.aspx?id=184762


In what city officials are calling "one of the largest acts of deception in recent years," Jerusalem municipal employees last week cleared away some 300 "fictitious tombstones" from a historic Muslim cemetery located in the heart of the capital. The cemetery abuts the planned site of a future "Museum of Tolerance."

On Thursday, city officials confirmed that the fraudulent markers had been cleared from the site, and pointed blame at "Islamic officials" who they said had sanctioned the placement of these markers in an attempt to "illegally seize state lands."

"Over the last month, Islamic officials have acted fraudulently and erected new, fictitious tombstones inside the ancient Muslim cemetery at Mamilla," read an official statement released by the Jerusalem Municipality on Thursday night.

"These officials exploited permits they had received from the city's sanitation department for the cleaning and renovation of existing graves, and instead [used the permits to] fraudulently erect fictitious tombstones in the cemetery, which is owned by the Israel Lands Administration," the statement said.

The municipality statement also stressed that "this is an ancient Muslim cemetery; however, according to the Israel Antiquities Authority, it has not been used for burial since 1927."

The statement added that upon discovering the false tombstones at the site, the municipality filed a complaint with police and halted the work immediately.

"During a court hearing [last Monday], a Jerusalem District Court judge rejected an injunction that had been filed in the case and authorized the municipality to begin removing the fictitious headstones," the municipality's statement continued.

City officials added that the extent of the fraud may not yet be completely known, and that work at the site to identify additional false markers was still underway.

"So far," the municipality statement went on, "about 300 fictitious tombstones have been removed, with each new location being identified and cleared only after review and approval from an IAA expert."

The municipality statement also alluded to the "simple" method used in erecting the tombstones, in which workers placed stone frames between 70 and 120 centimeters in size over the "tombs," or used authentic, older pieces of stone they found at the site.

City officials added that the work was often done hastily, and that "under the fictitious tombstones, plastic bottles, cigarette butts and sewage has been found.

"It is important to note that this is one of the greatest acts of deception in recent years, with one specific goal – the illegal seizure of state land," the municipality statement added.

"The Jerusalem Municipality will not allow extremist elements to illegally change the status quo, and will continue to enforce law in order to prevent any attempt to illegally take over public land."

The city's account has reportedly been refuted by the Islamic Movement, which last week accused the municipality of razing ancient tombs inside the cemetery.

The cemetery itself is no stranger to controversy; it abuts the planned site of a future "Museum of Tolerance" being constructed by the US-based Simon Wiesenthal Center.

The center has long fought against opponents of its plans to build at the site, expressly by Palestinian groups who have petitioned against the museum's construction. The appeals, which have reached the United Nations, argue that the construction would disturb centuries-old graves and desecrate the cemetery.

Palestinian and Israeli advocacy groups filed a petition against the planned construction in 2004 and have been contesting it ever since.

The Supreme Court considered the legal arguments for nearly four years, finally giving the go-ahead in 2009 to the Los Angeles-based Wiesenthal Center.

Earlier this year, however, The Jerusalem Post learned that the Supreme Muslim Council of British Mandate Palestine had planned to build a large commercial center directly on top of the cemetery in 1945.

A November 22, 1945 article from The Palestine Post (the pre-state name of The Jerusalem Post), forwarded to the Wiesenthal Center in February, reported the council's plans to build "a six-storeyed building to house the Supreme Moslem Council and other offices, a four-storeyed hotel, a bank and other buildings suitable for it, a college, a club and a factory" directly over the cemetery.

The 1945 article also describes plans by the council to transfer remains buried in the cemetery to a separate, "walled reserve" and cites rulings from prominent Muslim clerics at the time allowing for the building plans to go ahead.

Libanon overweegt meer rechten voor Palestijnse vluchtelingen

 
Na meer dan 60 jaar wordt overwogen de Palestijnen in Libanon meer rechten te geven. Zij zitten opgesloten in vluchtelingenkampen en leven onder erbarmelijke omstandigheden. Lokale krijgsheren maken er de dienst uit; de Libanese politie komt er niet. Palestijnen mogen alleen simpel en slecht betaald werk verrichten.
 
The refugee camps - Ein el-Hilweh in particular - are notorious for their lawlessness. Lebanese troops patrol their perimeters but have no jurisdiction inside, part of an informal agreement with the PLO since the early 1970s. Factions of Palestinian fighters police the camps, but clashes and assassinations are common.
The Palestinian leadership does not want refugees to gain citizenship, fearing it could deny them their right to ever return home. But it does support giving them civil rights.
 
De voorgestelde wet zal het waarschijnlijk niet halen, maar mogelijk krijgen de Palestijnen wel iets meer mogelijkheden om te werken. De discriminatie en behandeling van de Palestijnen door Libanon is vele malen erger dan die van de Arabieren in Israel, maar je zal er Anja Meulenbelt of Dries van Agt niet over horen. Dat is niet slechts selectieve verontwaardiging, maar regelrechte hypocrisie.
 
RP
----------

Lebanon Debates Giving Palestinians Rights
Asharq Al-Awsat 12/08/2010
http://aawsat.com/english/news.asp?section=1&id=21933

 
EIN EL-HILWEH REFUGEE CAMP, Lebanon - Mohammed al-Amin spends his days doing little more than playing billiards and smoking cigarettes in this sprawling Palestinian refugee camp, where gunmen roam narrow alleyways dotted with tin-roofed, cement-block homes.

The 25-year-old studied dental lab technology but works at a small, grubby coffee shop in the camp, making $100 a month. He dreams of working with a respected doctor in Lebanese society and being welcomed like any other foreigner, without being looked down on.

"Sometimes I feel like a pressurized bottle that's about to explode," said al-Amin, who was born in Ein el-Hilweh years after his family fled what is now Israel. "Why should three quarters of the Palestinian people here be selling coffee on the street?"

The approximately 400,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, many of them born here, are barred by law from any but the most menial professions and are denied many basic rights.

Now parliament is debating a new law that would allow Palestinians to work in any profession and own property, as well as give them social security benefits. The bill, due for a vote on Aug. 17, is the most serious effort yet by Lebanon to transform its policies toward the refugees.

But the proposal faces stiff resistance, because it has implications beyond expanding the refugees' civil rights.

Lebanon's population of 4 million is divided between 18 sects, including Sunni and Shiite Muslims, Christians and Druse, and every community is highly sensitive to anything that could tip the balance of power in a country with a grim history of sectarian strife.

Christians and Shiites are particularly worried about any possible permanent settling of the refugees, who are overwhelmingly Sunni Muslim.

So Palestinians in Ein el-Hilweh are deeply skeptical there will be any change.

"They are not fooling us," said a woman pushing her handicapped mother on a wheelchair to a nearby clinic run by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency.
Her mother, 80-year-old Jamileh Salameh, lost her right leg in an Israeli air raid on Ein el-Hilweh in 1987.

"Nobody cares about us, they will talk and talk but nothing will happen," she said.

The Palestinians in Lebanon are isolated in their camps to a higher degree than in any other Arab country. Some 4.7 million Palestinian refugees - who fled or were driven from their homes during the 1948 and 1967 Israeli-Arab wars - and their descendants are scattered across the Middle East, in the West Bank, Gaza, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria, according to U.N. figures.

Their fate is one of the most emotionally charged issues in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Palestinian negotiators have demanded at least partial repatriation, but Israel has refused, saying an influx of refugees would dilute its Jewish majority and threaten the existence of the state.

Unlike in neighboring Arab countries like Syria and Jordan where Palestinians enjoy more rights, the refugees in Lebanon live mostly on U.N. agencies' handouts and payments from the rival Palestinian factions. Those who do work are either employed by UNRWA or as laborers at menial jobs such as construction.
Beyond the legal restrictions on them, they also face deep prejudice from many Lebanese.

The bitterness dates back to 1970, when the late Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat moved his base here after being expelled from Jordan in a bloody crackdown because his forces tried to form a government to rival Jordan's. Many Lebanese have not forgiven Arafat's fighters for attacking Israel repeatedly from southern Lebanon, giving Israel a pretext to attack villages and twice invade.

The refugee camps - Ein el-Hilweh in particular - are notorious for their lawlessness. Lebanese troops patrol their perimeters but have no jurisdiction inside, part of an informal agreement with the PLO since the early 1970s. Factions of Palestinian fighters police the camps, but clashes and assassinations are common.
The Palestinian leadership does not want refugees to gain citizenship, fearing it could deny them their right to ever return home. But it does support giving them civil rights.

Druse leader Walid Jumblatt proposed the rights bill in June, and it has triggered a heated debate. Some lawmakers insisted Palestinians should not be granted any "privileges" as long as they do not answer to the state's authority. Others argued that letting Palestinians work and receive social security would strain the economy.
"They (refugees) are not entitled to any rights according to Lebanese laws - only some facilities that we can give them," said Christian leader Michel
Aoun.
Lawmaker Sami Gemayel of the right-wing Christian Phalange Party accused U.N. agencies of trying to pawn off responsibility for the Palestinians onto Lebanon. If that happens, he warned, "we will move step by step toward naturalization" of Palestinians.

Parliament has split largely on sectarian lines over the bill, with Christians opposed and Muslims supporting. The result may be a compromise that grants broader work rights but keeps other restrictions like the ban on owning property.

Fathi Abu al-Ardat, a senior official with the main Fatah faction of the PLO in Lebanon, warns that disillusionment and frustration push young Palestinians toward radicalism.

"Fanaticism and extremism thrive on misery and poverty," he said. "We should let them live a free, dignified life with the opportunity to work and move freely."
Al-Amin, speaking in the coffee shop where he works, agrees.

"We have education and talents," he said. "Given the chance, we can contribute a lot to Lebanese society."

Hezbollah: haat voor Israel... en Palestijnen

 
Hezbollah presenteert zich als verdediger van Palestijnse rechten, maar treedt die zelf met voeten. Hezbollah is geen voorstander van meer rechten voor Palestijnse vluchtelingen in Libanon, want dat is slecht voor de 'demografische balans' en als shi'iten hebben ze er geen belang bij dat de Palestijnse soennieten het Libanese staatsburgerschap krijgen. Leden van Hezbollah hebben vroeger meegedaan aan slachtingen in Palestijnse kampen tijdens de Libanese burgeroorlog. Vreemd genoeg hoor je daar niemand over, wel natuurlijk over de slachtingen in Sabra en Shatilla door de Phalangisten, omdat Israel daar indirect bij betrokken was.
 
The group has been ruthless in its efforts to marginalize and control the Sunni Palestinian population in Lebanon; its leaders insisted on confining 400,000 Palestinians to the refugee camps as a condition for ending the civil war in 1989.
While Nasrallah claims he wants to see food items and medications delivered to Gaza, Palestinians in Lebanon are literally locked up inside their camps every evening. Banned from working legally, Palestinians in Lebanon have to depend on international aid and donations, which Lebanon monitors and restricts. This has resulted in intolerable living conditions. The post- Syrian Lebanese governments exhibited a tendency to improve the living conditions for the Palestinians on its soil; nonetheless, Hizbullah has been most fierce in fighting that trend. Waving the flag of the Palestinian cause, and staunchly supporting the "right of return to Palestine," Hizbullah has been obstructing every attempt to improve the livelihood of Palestinians in Lebanon.
 
Het cynisme van een en ander zou eigenlijk niet mogen verbazen, maar onze vrije Westerse media negeren dit soort zaken volkomen.
 
RP
------------
 

Hizbullah: Hating Israel... and Palestinians




While waving Palestinian cause flag and supporting 'right of return to Palestine,' Shi'ite group has been obstructing every attempt to improve livelihood of Palestinians in Lebanon.
 
In his latest press extravaganza, Hizbullah chief Hassan Nasrallah exposed what he called evidence of Israel's involvement in the assassination of Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri. The footage Nasrallah presented showed that Israel was monitoring areas in Lebanon since the late 1990s, a fact Israel has never denied. Nonetheless, the footage failed to tackle the most critical element of any crime; motive. Since day one, Hizbullah has been viewed as the prime suspect in Hariri's assassination, and for good reason; Hariri was a Sunni leader who revived the strength and momentum of Lebanese Sunnis, as well as Saudi influence in Lebanon as a major Arab Sunni force, thus making himself a significant obstacle in Hizbullah's quest to control Lebanon.

Still, the fact that Hizbullah has been successful in intercepting Israeli UAVs proves, once again, its access to advanced military technology. Furthermore, Hizbullah stands out as a very organized terrorist group with a clear strategy. Much of this stems from the fact that it receives substantial financial and logistical support from a very capable country – Iran – which has a lavish history of state terrorism and a relatively advanced military.

Today, Hizbullah is also well-established militarily. Yet what gives the group its edge is its propaganda tactics, which is exactly what Nasrallah was demonstrating with his latest press conference. In fact, Hizbullah has been playing the media game in a manner unprecedented by any other terror group.

In 2000, when Israel withdrew its troops from the buffer zones in southern Lebanon, Nasrallah appeared on most Arab TV screens chanting that "the mission had not been accomplished yet as Jerusalem and Al-Aksa mosque were still under Zionist occupation."

This turned him into the poster child for pan-Arab nationalism, Islamism, and even Leftist forces in the Arab world. It created a dramatic shift in Arab public opinion, reviving the so-called "moral of resistance" against Israel that evolved into an entire change of heart by most Arabs, who are predominantly Sunni, towards the Shi'ite sect and principles. Several Arab countries reported cases of denomination conversion to the Shi'ite faith, alarming major Sunni countries like Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

Hizbullah's confrontation with Israel in 2006 brought the ultimate media trophy for Nasrallah. The fact that he remained alive weeks after of a strong assault by the region's strongest military force, and that many "martyrs" fell in the process, played into Hizbullah's media machine very effectively, eventually portraying Hizbullah as victorious and as the protector of Arabs and Muslims. Nonetheless, several Sunni Muslim scholars stood against it then, calling it "a destructive Shi'ite force" and still cite the same slogan today.

WHILE MANY, including some Israelis, seem to believe that Nasrallah loves the Palestinians, and would fight for their cause, the facts on the ground reflect a totally different reality. Hizbullah represents the Shi'ites in Lebanon, who describe themselves as an extension of the global Shi'ite body, with strong emotional and ideological ties to Iran. The Shi'ites in Lebanon have always felt threatened by the Palestinians, who are strictly Sunnis, and whose presence in Lebanon is viewed as adding demographic heavy weight to Lebanese Sunnis. While Lebanese Shi'ite figures never mention this fact, they have been vigorously working against it in practice; they even took up arms against the Palestinians during the Lebanese civil war. In fact, Lebanese Shi'ite were responsible for some of the most notorious atrocities against the Palestinians, with welldocumented massacres and the siege of the Palestinian refugee camps. Ironically, when they ended these in 1987, Shi'ite leader Nabih Berri told the press that this was "a gift for the Intifada."

Hundreds of the war criminals that were involved in those massacres are now affiliated with Hizbullah, some in senior positions.

The group has been ruthless in its efforts to marginalize and control the Sunni Palestinian population in Lebanon; its leaders insisted on confining 400,000 Palestinians to the refugee camps as a condition for ending the civil war in 1989.

Before his latest press conference, Nasrallah was promoting that his faction would "punish" Israel if it obstructed a Lebanese aid flotilla headed for Gaza. This comes as one of an endless series of media stunts in which Nasrallah portrays himself and Hizbullah as the defenders of the Palestinian cause.

While Nasrallah claims he wants to see food items and medications delivered to Gaza, Palestinians in Lebanon are literally locked up inside their camps every evening. Banned from working legally, Palestinians in Lebanon have to depend on international aid and donations, which Lebanon monitors and restricts. This has resulted in intolerable living conditions. The post- Syrian Lebanese governments exhibited a tendency to improve the living conditions for the Palestinians on its soil; nonetheless, Hizbullah has been most fierce in fighting that trend. Waving the flag of the Palestinian cause, and staunchly supporting the "right of return to Palestine," Hizbullah has been obstructing every attempt to improve the livelihood of Palestinians in Lebanon.

Furthermore, it has been igniting and financing unrest between Palestinian factions, as Hamas is not shy in showcasing its alliance with both Hizbullah and Iran.

Today, while Nasrallah and Hizbullah are considered iconic symbols of the fight against Israel and the defenders of the Palestinian cause, Palestinians in Lebanon are dying young, uneducated and poor, all in the name of preventing them from being naturalized in Lebanon in order to "keep their love for Palestine."

This tactic for persecuting the Palestinians is not unique to Hizbullah; it has been played by many Arab countries and in fact by some of the countries claiming to be most friendly to the Palestinians.

The question is; with such friends, who needs enemies?

==========
The writer, a Jordanian of Palestinian heritage, is a researcher at the University of Bedfordshire.
 
 

Westerse journalisten schuwen negatieve berichten over Arabische regimes

 
Waarom berichten de media zo eenzijdig over Israel? Khaled Abu Toameh (Arabier uit Oost-Jeruzalem) doet er een boekje over open: een nieuwe Jordaanse wet die de vrijheid van meningsuiting van media aan banden legt wordt genegeerd, net als de arrestatie van zeven Palestijnse academici door de door het Westen gefinancierde veiligheidsdiensten van de Palestijnse Autoriteit. De PA had Palestijnse media uitdrukkelijk verboden erover te schrijven, en die hielden zich daar braaf aan.
 
Earlier this week, a disenchanted Ramallah-based Palestinian journalist decided to put her Western colleagues to the test. She contacted the same group of newsmen and editors who had been offered the story on the academics' arrest with a "new idea" for a news item.
The Palestinian journalist proposed that the foreign press write about a Palestinian university professor who complained that Israeli authorities had turned down his request to visit Israel together with his wife and three children.
The response from the international journalists came almost instantly. All but two said it was a "great story" and expressed readiness to start working on it immediately.
 
Joris Luyendijk stelde in zijn boek 'Het zijn net mensen' voor dat journalisten eerlijk zijn over hun beperkingen. Maar Westerse journalisten geven nooit toe dat het makkelijker en minder gevaarlijk is over Israelische misstanden te schrijven dan over Palestijnse of Arabische, en ook Luyendiujk spon een en ander zo dat toch Israel met zijn zogenaamd zo gelikte PR weer de boeman was.
 
RP
----------
 

Western correspondents and newspapers continue to apply double standards when it comes to covering the Israeli-Arab conflict.

It is much easier for a Western journalist to sit in Israel and write about Israel without having to worry about his or her safety. Why bother travel to an Arab country and risk being arrested or deported for writing a story that reflects negatively on the dictatorship there?

Besides, who said it's that easy to enter an Arab or Islamic country? The foreign reporters need an entry visa to most of these countries - a process that could last for weeks, months and years.

And when the foreign reporters arrives in an Arab capital, he or she are often escorted by "minders" of the Ministry of Information of that country. Then there are the mukhabarat [intelligence] agents who start following the reporters from the minute they arrive and until they leave.

Those who are found "guilty" of writing a story that angers the Arab dictator or any of his confidants should forget about applying for another visa.

Otherwise, how does one explain the fact that the mainstream media in the US, Canada and Europe are turning a blind eye to recent developments in Jordan, where the government has introduced a law that restricts media freedom?

The arrest last week of seven Palestinian university lecturers at the hands of Palestinian Authority security services in the West Bank is yet another example of how the international media functions in this part of the world.

Some Palestinian stringers and reporters offered the story about the arrest of the academics to at least a dozen foreign correspondents and newspaper editors in North America and Europe.

Only one foreign journalist agreed to write about the story. His colleagues gave different excuses for turning their backs on the story.

Some said they were concerned about their personal safety should they report a news item that was likely to anger the Western-funded PA security forces in the West Bank.

Others simply blamed their editors in New York, Paris, London and Toronto for turning down the story as "insignificant."

Earlier this week, a disenchanted Ramallah-based Palestinian journalist decided to put her Western colleagues to the test. She contacted the same group of newsmen and editors who had been offered the story on the academics' arrest with a "new idea" for a news item.

The Palestinian journalist proposed that the foreign press write about a Palestinian university professor who complained that Israeli authorities had turned down his request to visit Israel together with his wife and three children.

The response from the international journalists came almost instantly. All but two said it was a "great story" and expressed readiness to start working on it immediately.

It is worth noting that the Palestinian Authority's General Intelligence Service had warned Palestinian journalists and university staff members not to report about the detention of the academics. Of course the Palestinian media in the West Bank, which is controlled by the Palestinian Authority, complied.

The Palestinian authorities even threatened the president of the university not to complain about the arrest of his lecturers. He too complied, and even went as far as to switch off his mobile phone to avoid questions from journalists.

One can only imagine the reaction of the international media had the Palestinian academics been arrested by Israel.

The double-standards approach of the international media is not a new phenomenon. Back in the mid-1990's, many Western correspondents based in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv refused to publish stories about bad government, abuse of human rights and rampant financial corruption under Yasser Arafat's administration.

This hypocritical approach on the part of the media does not only apply to the Palestinians, but to most of the Arab world.

Of course there is no shortage of "great stories" in the Arab world. But for those Western journalists who justify their actions -- or, rather, inaction -- by citing security concerns, the answer is should be: If you are scared, why don't you stop writing about the conflict and start reporting about the weather or environment?

The Middle East is not the right place for journalists who care more about their well-being than the facts and the truth.

Editor's Note: Khaled Abu Toameh's columns will now appear on Tuesdays and Fridays

zondag 15 augustus 2010

Onverdedigbare grenzen en standpunten

 
Ik deel de opvatting van Paul Gross, maar er is een zaak die hij over het hoofd ziet: de religieuze kolonisten die menen dat zij het recht hebben op het land om Bijbelse redenen zijn ver in de minderheid. In deze regering zitten inderdaad verschillende ministers die positief staan tegenover de kolonisten, maar ook zij is bereid tot een tweestatenoplossing als dat kan onder de door Gross zelf genoemde voorwaarden. Dat de bevriezing van de nederzettingen waarschijnlijk niet wordt voortgezet komt omdat de Palestijnen in die tijd geen enkel tegencompromis hebben gedaan. In tegendeel, Abbas blijft maar voorwaarden stellen aan onderhandelingen en Palestijnse media blijven geweld en terrorisme verheerlijken. Dat zo'n relatief rechtse regering aan de macht kon komen is voor een groot deel veroorzaakt door Hamas en het geweld dat op de terugtrekking uit de Gazastrook volgde. Dat alles neemt uiteraard niet weg dat Israel inderdaad niet over een ander volk kan blijven heersen en de status quo onhoudbaar is.
 
RP
---------

The Jerusalem Post
Indefensible borders
By PAUL GROSS
08/15/2010 00:06


Israel is a democracy, but no amount of spin can mask the fact that a democratic state cannot permanently rule over another people who are denied the basic rights of citizenship.

http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Op-EdContributors/Article.aspx?id=184755


Harvard law professor and noted Israel advocate Alan Dershowitz has said that the best way to win over the 'undecideds' when he's speaking in universities on 'the case for Israel' is to show that the 'pro-Israel' crowd are also in favor of a two-state solution to the conflict, whereas the 'pro-Palestinian' supporters are not. In other words, whereas the Jewish students are willing to see a Palestinian state established alongside Israel, the collection of far-leftist, (allegedly) liberal and Muslim students who support the Palestinian cause cannot reconcile themselves to Israel's existence.

Having been involved in Israel advocacy in universities in Britain (a country where the campus anti-Zionism makes the average US university look like an AIPAC conference), I broadly agree with Dershowitz. There is no question that the best hasbara tool Israel has is the Arab world's history of rejectionism and its repeated preference for continuing the fight to eliminate the Jewish state, rather than compromising and finally giving the Palestinians a state of their own alongside Israel.

HOWEVER, WHAT happens if it's Israelis who are the rejectionists? What happens in a debate if the Palestinian speaker says he accepts Israel's right to exist but that the Palestinians should be freed from Israeli occupation, and the speaker on behalf of Israel says that he thinks Israel should remain in control of the entire West Bank? This scenario is not far-fetched. Mahmoud Abbas and Salam Fayyad are both on record as supporting a two-state solution. And even if you don't believe they are genuine, this Israeli government is full of ministers – not to mention other MKs – who don't even try to hide their opposition to it.

It is relatively straightforward to argue that a military operation against Hamas in Gaza is legitimate – it is a terrorist organization committed to Israel's destruction. The same goes for Hizbullah in Lebanon. It is also possible – and, I believe, right – to justify refusing to withdraw to the pre-1967 borders.

They were never a formal border, just an armistice line, and even the drafters of the relevant UN Security Council resolutions understood that the "green line" is not a defensible border for Israel.

So yes, Israel can say it will keep Ma'aleh Adumim and Gush Etzion, and that it will require some kind of military arrangement in the Jordan Valley, and the Palestinian state must be demilitarized. All these demands are fully justifiable, given the Palestinians' historic hostility to Israel's very existence, and the experience of withdrawal from southern Lebanon and Gaza – both resulted in a huge upsurge in rocket attacks and the abduction of Israeli soldiers.

There are sound security arguments for keeping anything from five to 30% of the West Bank (depending on your school of thought), but the building of dozens of settlements on the hilltops of Judea and Samaria was fueled by a messianic religious ideology, not a dispassionate assessment of Israel's security requirements. And it is an ideology that will not wash in the democratic West to which Israel professes to be a part. Just as no Saudi will convince an American or European that women should not be allowed to drive cars just because (his version of) Islam says so; no Israeli will persuade the same audience that it is ok to control a territory in which the Jews have full democratic rights and Arabs do not, just because (his version of) Judaism says so.

Of course that comparison can only go so far; Saudi Arabia does not define itself as a democratic state.

Listen the next time an Israeli leader holds a press conference with an American official. It is guaranteed that he will stress the shared democratic values of the two countries. Similarly, at an AJC conference or any large gathering of American Jews, the visiting Israeli VIP will talk about the love of democracy and liberty that unites Israel and the US.

LET US be clear. Israel is a democracy. With free elections, a free, (hyper-) critical press, and frequent public dissent. But there is no getting away from the fact that a democratic state cannot permanently rule over another people who are denied the basic rights of citizenship.

It can't be spun and it can't be brushed under the carpet.

Yes, Netanyahu has said he supports two states for two peoples. And he has talked euphemistically about being willing to make "painful concessions," but the freeze on building in settlements ends in September, and the signs are that it will not be continued.

If he renews construction in the settlements beyond the blocs, the very existence of which would make a contiguous Palestinian state impossible, the occupation which threatens the Zionist dream of a Jewish democratic state will just become further entrenched.

Hasbara is important. Fears about the de-legitimisation and demonization of Israel on university campuses, in newspapers and, of course, in Orwellian bodies like the UN Human Rights Council are all too justifiable. But pro-Israel activists and diplomats should not be expected to defend the indefensible.
 
===========

The writer worked for two years in the Hasbara Department of the Embassy of Israel in London, and as the Ambassador's speechwriter, before making aliya.

Palestijnse terroriste Dalal Mughrabi bezongen als heldhaftige roofvogel op Fatah bijeenkomst

 
Terwijl president Abbas zich klaarmaakt voor het hervatten van vredesoverleg met Israel, worden onder regie van Fatah en de Palestijnse Autoriteit nog dagelijks terroristen als Dalal Mughrabi geëerd, niet als nostalgische herinnering voor bejaarde strijders, maar als voorbeeld voor de jeugd. Het lijkt geen geschikte manier om de geesten rijp te maken voor vrede en compromis.
 
RP/WB
___________________
 
PMW Bulletin - Aug. 11, 2010

 
Fatah song: Terrorists who killed 37 were "heroic" and "birds of prey"
http://palwatch.org/main.aspx?fi=157&doc_id=2709

by Itamar Marcus and Nan Jacques Zilberdik
 
A public Fatah event under the auspices of Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas included a song celebrating Fatah's 1978  terror attack in which 37 Israeli civilians were murdered in a bus hijacking.

In addition, two summer camps for Palestinian youth were named after Dalal Mughrabi, the terrorist who led the 1978 attack.

The song chosen to be performed at the Fatah event glorified the terrorists led by  Mughrabi as "birds of prey" and "heroic," and noted stages of the attack, which started when terrorists landed by sea from Lebanon.

Click to view. [See all transcripts below]

The other new examples of the the glorification of the terrorist Mughrabi in the PA this past week were also connected to youth.

1. At the closing ceremonies of the PA summer camp for girls in Bethlehem named after Mughrabi, which was first reported by
Palestinian Media Watch last week, the children were shown "a play named 'Dalal the Legend,' which was well-liked by the audience and received applause." As well, the Secretary of Fatah in Bethlehem, Yousuf Al-Aref, explained that "naming such summer camps after the Shahida (Martyr) Dalal Mughrabi strengthens the sense of belonging and citizenship among Palestinian girls."
[Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, Aug. 5, 2010]

2. PA TV reported extensively on the Dalal Mughrabi summer camp for Palestinian youth held in Syria, focusing on the shirts with Mughrabi's picture worn by the participants.

Click here to view PA TV news story on Palestinian Dalal Mughrabi summer camp in Syria.

The following are excerpts from PA TV's broadcast of the Fatah event, followed by the article about the Dalal Mughrabi summer camp:

1. Song from the Fatah event honoring the terror attack:

PA TV host:
"A public ceremony is being held under the auspices of President Mahmoud Abbas..."

Words of song:
"No one outshines the Fatah member
He mounts his machine gun on the tripod
His eyes are to Al-Aqsa [Mosque] - the Fatah member...

They got off the boats near the shore
[to hijack an Israeli bus in 1978]
[Squad leader] Dalal [Mughrabi] fights and battles the soldiers
[37 Israeli civilians were killed]
Be safe, you defiant, oh Fatah member!
...
They went [ashore] as birds of prey,
the heroic Al-Saika (PLO unit)
The men of Yasser [Arafat], Al-'Asifa (PLO unit)
The enemy's army fled trembling.

Let's hail Fatah!"
[PA TV (Fatah), Aug. 4, 2010]

Among the Fatah dignitaries sitting in the first row were:
  • Mousa Abu Zaid, Member of the Revolutionary Council of Fatah, PA's Deputy Minister for Youth and Sports
  • Hafez Barghouti, Editor in Chief of Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, Member of the Revolutionary Council of Fatah
  • Layla Ghanam, Governor of Ramallah and Al-Bireh district
  • Mahmoud Al-Aloul, Member of the Central Committee of Fatah
  • Jamal Muhaisen, Member of the Central Committee of Fatah

2. Article about the Dalal Mughrabi summer camp


Headline: "Light of the Generations' Association concludes the second [summer] camp named after Shahida (Martyr) Dalal Mughrabi...
Mahera Al-Jamal [representative of the National Committee of Summer Camps] spoke about the active role of the National Committee in supporting and sponsoring such camps, and she delivered greetings from the General Coordinator, Mousa Abu Zaid.... Secretary of Fatah in Bethlehem, Yousuf Al-Aref said that naming such summer camps after the Shahida Dalal Mughrabi strengthens the sense of belonging and citizenship among Palestinian girls. ... The 'Freedom Flotilla' group at the camp put on a play named 'Dalal the Legend,' which was well-liked by the audience and received applause, while the 'Tel Al-Rabi'a [Tel Aviv] and Jerusalem' group presented an impassioned folkdance. The song 'Returning to my country' moved those present; they expressed their admiration with a standing ovation. A participant in the camp, Batul Khader, concluded the camp by inviting the audience to join in the song, 'We are not terrorists.'"
[Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, Aug. 5, 2010]

 
PMW | King George 59 | Jerusalem | Israel
 
 

De politiek van wrok op de Westoever

 
Een ander beeld van de Palestijnen dan het cliché beeld dat de media ons voorschotelen. Het blijkt dat Palestijnen helemaal niet alleen maar over de bezetting klagen, maar ook over hun eigen leiderschap en de behandeling van Palestijnen in andere Arabische landen.
 
But when they insist on hearing my views, I remind them gently of the verse from the Koran that God does not change the condition of people unless they change what is in their hearts.
Then there is silence and the distress of not knowing how to unpack half-truths and lies – in part of their own making – to become a responsible, free and independent nation.

 
RP
-----------

The Jerusalem Post
The politics of resentment in the West Bank
By SALIM MANSUR
08/11/2010 22:01


Visiting Palestinians is an invitation to hear their bitterness about Arab leaders, discrimination and violence in places such as Lebanon and Kuwait.

http://www.jpost.com/Opinion/Op-EdContributors/Article.aspx?id=184451


On a recent visit to Ramallah, I am struck by the construction boom across the city, the legislative and political center of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank.

Just about everywhere, high towers of office and apartment complexes rise above the squalor of old houses, refugee camps, crowded markets and narrow streets of what was once a small town some 10 km north of Jerusalem.

I spent the better part of a day walking the streets of Ramallah; had a surprising encounter with the mayor, a Palestinian-Christian woman of much dignity and warmth; made the required visit to Yasser Arafat's tomb; and enjoyed the hospitality of simple folks.

There is money here, plenty of it, and those who have it are not afraid to flaunt it. New cars, beautiful residences, fancy stores and restaurants will startle any outsider arriving here with his head filled by the western media about the misery of the West Bank occupation by Israelis.

But there is also poverty, Israeli checkpoints, the fence or wall separating Palestinian territories from Israel and the Israeli settlements.

AND THERE'S the resentment that spill over any conversation with ordinary Palestinians fed a diet of half-truths and endless lies by their leaders.

Visiting with Palestinians is an invitation to hear their bitterness about Arab leaders, and of their experience with discrimination and violence in places such as Lebanon and Kuwait.

They speak of how the Palestinian leadership resembles Ali Baba and his 40 thieves, robbing the people of the money that has poured in as aid from the West.

The term limit of the president and the legislative assembly has expired, and no new elections are scheduled to provide Palestinians with any say on how they are being governed. In effect, those in authority have no mandate, and their fear that Hamas will likely win an election whenever held underscores the contempt of ordinary Palestinians for Mahmoud Abbas, the president of the Palestinian Authority, and the men around him.

There is irony in the fact that there are two Palestinian entities between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean. If it were not for Israel in the middle, the war of words between these two putative states would become a ghastly shootout between the Iranian proxy in Gaza and mafia dons receiving protection money from the West and its Arab allies in the West Bank.

I have lived among, travelled and spoken with countless Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims, and have learned to be cautious about the disconnect between their words, their thinking, the reality around them and their history.

As I sit among Palestinians in Ramallah, or visit with them in Bethlehem or Hebron, I listen to them patiently while avoiding disagreements by not offering my thoughts.

But when they insist on hearing my views, I remind them gently of the verse from the Koran that God does not change the condition of people unless they change what is in their hearts.

Then there is silence and the distress of not knowing how to unpack half-truths and lies – in part of their own making – to become a responsible, free and independent nation.
 
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The writer is associate professor of political science at the University of Western Ontario. He is a columnist for the London Free Press and the Toronto Sun where this article first appeared.

Gemeente Jeruzalem verwijdert nepgrafstenen naast oude islamitische begraafplaats in park

Photos: materials for new tombs after being dumped at the site, and after being shaped into 'tombs'. 

 
Ik zag het al op de extreem anti-Israel blog 'de Israellobby' staan: dat onmenselijke Israel vernielt zomaar honderden zojuist gerenoveerde moslimgraven! En dat nog wel nu zojuist de Ramadan is begonnen. En dat nog wel vlakbij de plek waar een museum voor de tolerantie moet verschijnen. En de rest van de wereld doet niks en kijkt toe bij deze zionistische misdaden want de zionisten hebben ons allemaal in onze macht: de media, politiek en het bedrijfsleven dansen allemaal naar hun pijpen.
 
Wel, hier de werkelijke toedracht van de zaak: moslims hebben honderden fake grafstenen gelegd in het Independence Park, dat grenst aan een oude islamitische begraafplaats (die overigens niet meer in gebruik is, en voor de stichting van Israel werd de grond waarop zij lag door de moslims al gebruikt voor andere doeleinden). Onder de grafstenen blijkt niks te liggen, wat lege flessen en andere rommel. Zie de foto's hierboven en het filmpje op de site van INN. Het is niet de eerste keer dat Palestijnen op een dergelijke cynische manier proberen Israel in een negatief daglicht te plaatsen om hun doelen te verwezenlijken. Het vervoeren van wapens en strijders in VN voertuigen, zogenaamde gewonden die met explosieven om door checkpoints geraken en zich in een enkel geval zelfs in een Israelisch ziekenhuis wilde opblazen, of nepgewonden die van een brancard sprongen toen men dacht dat de camera's weg waren: het wordt ook wel aangeduid als Pallywood en het werkt nog steeds. Om een of andere reden hebben deze zaken de Palestijnse geloofwaardigheid niet noemenswaardig aangetast. Het maakt het voor Israel wel extreem lastig om de echte gewonden te ontzien en te verhinderen dat onschuldige burgers lijden onder de veiligheidsmaatregelen.
 
RP
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Exclusive: Arabs Faking Graves to Grab Jerusalem Land


by Gil Ronen, Chezki Ezra and Shimon Cohen

In the heart of Jerusalem, dozens of new tombs are being added to an ancient cemetery, but no one is buried beneath them. Jewish observers and sources in the Jerusalem Municipality say the pretend-graves are simply a Muslim project for grabbing land.

The Mamilla Cemetery is located on the outskirts of Jerusalem's Independence Park (Gan HaAtzmaut), between Agron and Hillel Streets. It is an ancient Muslim cemetery containing several dozen graves, which has been in a state of severe disrepair for more than a century, despite being under the supervision of the Muslim Waqf.

In recent days, however, there has been much hustle and bustle in the cemetery, and its seems to be growing from day to day, cutting into land that is a part of Independence Park. Trucks, tractors and other heavy machines come and go, dumping building materials, which workers then shape into Muslim-style tombstones with no one buried beneath them. Dozens of these faux-graves are being created on the eastern end of the park, in row after row, where only bare earth and grassy areas existed until now.

Some of the fake tombs have been completed and others are in the process of being built.

Arutz Sheva's Chezki Ezra visited the site following a tip from a local resident and was surprised to see many dozens of new "tombs." He estimated their number as approaching 100.

Funding from the Gulf?
"They are trying to take over this territory," a municipality gardener said. The Arab workers who dumped stones at the site did not answer Arutz Sheva's questions and made haste to leave instead. Other municipality employees who were at the site confirmed that the construction is a Muslim land grab. Several tombstones were dug up, revealing no ancient graves or even remnants of graves underneath them, they said, adding that the municipality "is aware of the activity" and that it has initiated legal moves against the "tomb planters."

Another worker at the site said that the "tomb planting" project was being financed by a rich Muslim from one of the Gulf states. Yet another employee said that the police "instructed the Muslims to stop their activity immediately" but that they are ignoring that instruction.   

Deputy Mayor of Jerusalem David Hadari heard about the matter from Arutz Sheva and was dumbstruck by the news. "I am in a state of total shock," he said. "Arutz Sheva has discovered the naked truth, and I intend to immediately turn to the Municipality Director to make use of all of the municipal enforcement arms so that while honoring the Muslim's deceased, we will not honor Muslim fictions that are simply intended to capture more land in eastern Jerusalem." 
 
MK Nisim Ze'ev (Shas) said the matter was a very serious one. "The Jerusalem Municipality is allowing complete abandonment of territory and assets," he said. "The Arabs are trying to conquer the Land of Israel in every possible way. If we do not wake up to their conniving ways we will find ourselves before a gaping chasm. We need to plow the area and take down all of the fictitious tombs."

The apparent impotence of Jerusalem authorities in the face of brazen Arab land-grabs is also apparent in the matter of a huge wall that has been built around a Turkish cemetery.

The Muslims may be taking advantage of Israeli reluctance to act assertively regarding its land, in the face of pressure from the Obama administration over Jewish construction in Jerusalem, Judea and Samaria, and the razing of illegal Arab structures there.  

Municipality Responds
In response to Arutz Sheva's query, the Jerusalem Municipality said: "The Jerusalem Municipality located the illegal activity at the site yesterday. The Municipality has contacted the Israel lands Authority as the owner of the land to return things to their former state. The Municipality will not allow extremist elements to act illegally to change the status quo."

 
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JERUSALEM: Around 300 Muslim gravestones destroyed by Israeli bulldozers in a Jerusalem cemetery earlier this week were "fake" and set up in a bid to snatch government land, the city charged on Thursday.

Earlier this week, the Islamic Movement accused the municipality of razing Muslim graves that had been recently renovated in a centuries-old cemetery located in a large park in mostly Jewish west Jerusalem.

In its first official response to the claims, the Jerusalem city council on Thursday acknowledged it had removed some 300 tombstones but said they were not erected over any human remains.

"The municipality and the (Israel Lands) Authority destroyed around 300 dummy gravestones which were set up illegally in Independence Park on public land.

"The court approved the removal of all the dummy gravestones which were laid in the last seven months," the municipality said in a written statement.

"This is a fraudulent set up, one of the biggest in recent years, whose aim is to illegally take over state land."

Underneath the tombstones excavators found only "plastic bottles, cigarette packets and parts of a sprinkler system," the statement said. It accused "Islamic elements" of trying to pull off a huge scam.

On Tuesday, Mahmud Abu Atta, a spokesman for the Al-Aqsa Foundation which is linked to the Islamic Movement, told AFP that Israeli bulldozers had destroyed some 200 graves in the ancient cemetery at Mamilla.

He said the bulldozers returned later in the day to destroy dozens more after a Jerusalem court rejected a petition to halt the work.

The demolition of the graves took place very close to the site of a planned Museum of Tolerance to be built by the Simon Wiesenthal Center, a US-based Jewish human rights group.

The project has sparked controversy because it is being built on land belonging to the Ma'man Allah cemetery, commonly called Mamilla, which dates from the 12th century and is the resting place of several Sufi saints.

Israel's 1.3 million Arab citizens include the descendants of Palestinians who remained in the Jewish state after the 1948 war that attended its creation.