vrijdag 16 december 2011

Virgin Megastores beveelt Mein Kampf aan

 

Dit heb ik eerder gemist. Je blijft je verbazen over het openlijke antisemitisme in de Arabische wereld, waar zelfs een Engelstalige winkelketen graag aan meewerkt. In een woord: walgelijk. Bedenk daarbij dat Mein Kampf niet om door te komen is en dat de taaie verhandelingen over de problemen van Duitsland aan het begin van de 20e eeuw voor Arabieren niet echt boeiend zijn. De enige reden dat het in Arabische landen wordt verkocht is dat het van de grootste jodenhater aller tijden is en dat hij om die reden voor veel Arabieren een held is. En Virgin hoopt waarschijnlijk aan populariteit te winnen en meer boeken te verkopen door Mein Kampf aan te bevelen.

 

RP

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Virgin stores respond to Mein Kampf issue - with lies (updated)

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/search?updated-max=2011-12-06T06:00:00-05:00&max-results=20

 

Yesterday, I reported that Virgin Megastores in both Qatar and Bahrain had featured an  Arabic version of Mein Kampf as "recommended" books to read for their customers.

The UAE-based National picked up on the story, and received a statement from Virgin in Doha:

 

Virgin Megastore Middle East is a regional leader in retail entertainment, offering our customers a wide range of products in many languages, genres and interests to satisfy the demand of our consumers across CDs, DVDS, electronics, gadgets and toys, multimedia games and accessories and books. 

Each Virgin Megastore in the Middle East is responsible for the merchandising of products within its respective store and is not merchandised via a planogram from headquarters.

Recently, one of the region's Virgin Megastores included in its book section the Arabic translation of Mein Kampf, by Adolf Hitler, a title available worldwide in major bookstores and online.

For one day, the book was included in the recommended section. The recommended tag was not an endorsement of the book's author or its content. In response to a customer, we removed the title from the display. Commentary in the public domain was also taken seriously by Virgin Megastore and our policy is always to listen and respond immediately.

 

This is a very offensive statement filled with provable lies.

It wasn't only one store, but at least two (and possibly three - a commenter here saw Mein Kampf featured in an airport bookshop in Saudi Arabia, but did not recall if it was a Virgin store.)

How on earth can they say "The recommended tag was not an endorsement of the book's author or its content"? That's what the word "recommended" means!

It was not only in the Recommended case for a single day. Here is a photo from a tweet on November 5:


Here's the picture from the tweet I noted yesterday, dated November 23rd. Note that one of the "Recommended" books has changed in the meantime:


And while I don't know if it had been in the "Recommended" section earlier, someone complained about the book being sold at Gulf stores as long ago as April. (h/t Israellycool)

The Bahrain post I linked to was from a year ago.

In all those cases the customer complained, and it does not appear to have helped. I know I tweeted the company and received no response.

And moreover, how offensive is it that Virgin's response says that defends their decision to prominently and repeatedly display incitement to genocide as merely "a title available worldwide in major bookstores and online"?  You can bet that they wouldn't stock anything offensive to Islam, even if those books were "available worldwide in major bookstores and online."

Virgin ME is trying to squirm out of this, without any hint that it is even aware that it did anything wrong.

UPDATE: The Middle East Virgin stores are owned by The Azadea Group, not Virgin itself, except for Morocco. 

However, Virgin seems to consider itself the lead company anyway. From its website:

Once a Virgin company is up and running, several factors contribute to making it a success. The power of the Virgin name; Richard Branson's personal reputation; our unrivalled network of friends, contacts and partners; the Virgin management style; the way talent is empowered to flourish within the group. To some traditionalists, these may not seem hard headed enough. To them, the fact that Virgin has minimal management layers, no bureaucracy, a tiny board and no massive global HQ is an anathema. But it works for us! The proof of our success is real and tangible.

Our companies are part of a family rather than a hierarchy. They are empowered to run their own affairs, yet the companies help one another, and solutions to problems often come from within the Group somewhere. In a sense we are a commonwealth, with shared ideas, values, interests and goals.


If they take credit, they must also take responsibility. (h/t Silke)

 

Leugens Saeb Erekat nu ook in Jerusalem Post

 

Het siert de Jerusalem Post natuurlijk dat ze Erekat de mogelijkheid bieden om zijn verhaal – ook als dat voor een groot deel niet klopt – aan het Israelische publiek te vertellen. Het zou nog mooier zijn als Palestijnse kranten Netanjahoe die mogelijkheid ook zouden bieden, en het allermooist wanneer Erekat eerlijk zou zijn. Dat is moeilijk, want hij (en Abbas en andere PA en PLO functionarissen) zijn tegen het principe van twee staten voor twee volken (en zien de Joden als een religie en geen volk), en moeten dus laveren (spreek: liegen) om toch over te komen alsof ze voor de tweestatenoplossing en vrede zijn. 

 

RP

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Erekat continues to lie with impunity in JPost op-ed

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/12/erekat-continues-to-lie-with-impunity.html

 

Saeb Erekat continues his long tradition of lying. The only problem is that the Jerusalem Post allowed him to do it on their op-ed pages.

Here are some of his lies and half-truths:

 

The two-state solution on the 1967 borders has been the official Palestinian position for the past 23 years.


Neither the 1988 PLO statement to the UN, nor the 1988 "Declaration of Independence" referred to the 1949 armistice lines. There was an elliptical reference to and international conference based on UNSC resolutions 242 and 338 in the statement, but no indication that the PLO accepts it.

 

Since then, we have engaged Israel and the international community and exerted sincere efforts to achieve our inalienable right to self-determination through the establishment of a viable and sovereign Palestinian state on the territory occupied by Israel in 1967, including East Jerusalem, and a just solution to the Palestinian refugee issue in accordance with UN General Assembly Resolution 194.

 

"Sincere efforts" are debatable, since they launched a terror war right in the middle of that time period.

UNGA 194, besides not having any legal validity, does not give a "right to return." It also includes a part about Arab refugees resettling in Arab states - which the PLO ignores. And if the PLO loves 194 so much, it would not end up with Jerusalem or Bethlehem - which UNGA 194 says would be part of a separate UN administered territory.

 

Twenty years of peace process have passed without a conclusion to the conflict. In fact, most Palestinians have witnessed their situation go from bad to worse in the past two decades, while Israel enjoys unprecedented economic growth and prosperity.

 

Mahmoud Abbas in 2009 said "I will wait for Israel to freeze settlements. Until then, in the West Bank we have a good reality . . . the people are living a normal life."

Doesn't sound like the PalArabs have it so bad, does it?

 

During these years, successive Israeli governments have actively pursued settlement construction and expansion in the Occupied Territory, including in East Jerusalem, in flagrant violation of international law and signed agreements.

 

Whether Jews living in Judea and Samaria violates international law or not - which is a debatable point -  Israel never signed any agreement with the PLO saying they would stop settlement activity.

 

Today, the Palestinian Authority does not have any real authority. Real authority lies with Israel, with the exception of some municipal work.

 

I agree that they have no authority - in Gaza. But in Area A they have full autonomy. If they had no authority, how did they manage to go to the UN to demand recognition?

In the end, the definition of "occupation" is when the occupying state has the ability to dissolve the government of the occupied. Israel cannot do that.

 

This bleak reality of walls, checkpoints and daily humiliation has driven expectations to an all-time low.

 

And why are there checkpoints again - checkpoints that Israelis also have to cope with? Oh, yeah, because the PLO decided to forego negotiations in 2000 and chose terror instead. 

 

The latest opinion polls show that a majority of Palestinian still believe in the two-state solution and reaching peace with Israel through negotiations.


poll over the summer says that 66% of PalArabs said their real goal should be to start with a two-state solution but then move to it all being one Palestinian state.

And only one third accepts "two states for two peoples." Meaning that their acceptance of Israel is a tactical move on the way to a single Arab Palestine "from the river to the sea." 

How can you tell that Saeb Erekat is lying? His lips are moving.

 

UNRWA helpt Palestijnse vluchtelingen niet

 

We hebben er de laatste tijd vaker aandacht aan besteed: de UNRWA helpt niet het vluchtelingenprobleem op te lossen, maar slechts het langer te laten voortduren. Elder of Ziyon wijst er terecht op dat het nogal vreemd is dat er ook Palestijnse vluchtelingen in door de Palestijnse Autoriteit gecontroleerd gebied vallen (je kunt toch geen vluchteling in eigen land zijn?), en het is nog vreemder dat de PA erop staat dat ook de Palestijnse vluchtelingen die op de Westoever en in de Gazastrook wonen, moeten kunnen terugkeren naar Israel. Je zou zeggen dat de Palestijnse staat juist bij uitstek de plaats is waar alle Palestijnen heen kunnen en een nieuw thuis opbouwen, en dat Palestijnen die reeds in ‘Palestina’ wonen thuis zijn en dat thuis nu reeds kunnen vormgeven, maar zo werkt het blijkbaar niet. Het is goed dat Uri Rosenthal kanttekeningen plaatst bij de UNRWA, maar zouden juist niet ook linkse partijen en groeperingen wat dit betreft wat kritischer mogen zijn?

 

But lets look at these numbers. Palestinian Arabs who do not live in these camps have been doing better economically and their unemployment rate has gone down; those who live in these camps and are dependent on UNRWA handouts saw their lives worsen as their own unemployment rate has gone up.

The logical conclusion is that these so-called "refugees" must, at long last, be fully integrated into PA society. It would help them and it would help the PA take the responsibility that any government is supposed to for their own people.  If the PA had any sense of pride, it should be insulted that some 15 years after they gained autonomy, they still allow an outside agency to take care of their people. The PA should have built permanent housing and communities for the camp residents and mainstreamed them into their society. 

RP

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UNRWA accidentally proves it hurts "refugees"

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/12/unrwa-accidentally-proves-it-hurts.html

 

From UNRWA:

According to a new report by UNRWA, despite modest economic good news in the West Bank, the number of unemployed refugees grew by nearly one per cent in the first half of the year, to over 50,000 people, as unemployment generally in the West Bank declined. At 27.4 per cent, the unemployment rate for refugees is about 5 percentage points above the average of the West Bank as a whole.

“These figures show once more that the refugees continue to bear the brunt of economic hardship in the West Bank,” said UNRWA spokesman, Chris Gunness, “making the need for our emergency services greater than ever.”

The report finds that “in the context of 3.7 per cent overall employment growth, refugees lost ground in the public sector, where their employment declined 2.9 per cent in the sequential period. Total employment growth of refugees was about 1.5 per cent year over year, well below the overall rate of job growth for non-refugees in the West Bank.”

 

First, let's get beyond the absurdity of referring to Palestinian Arabs living in the Palestinian Arab territories "refugees." They aren't refugees by any definition of the term. They live in their own homeland!

But lets look at these numbers. Palestinian Arabs who do not live in these camps have been doing better economically and their unemployment rate has gone down; those who live in these camps and are dependent on UNRWA handouts saw their lives worsen as their own unemployment rate has gone up.

The logical conclusion is that these so-called "refugees" must, at long last, be fully integrated into PA society. It would help them and it would help the PA take the responsibility that any government is supposed to for their own people.  If the PA had any sense of pride, it should be insulted that some 15 years after they gained autonomy, they still allow an outside agency to take care of their people. The PA should have built permanent housing and communities for the camp residents and mainstreamed them into their society. 

Why on Earth are these still "refugee" camps in the West Bank and Gaza? Moreover, why is there no plan to get rid of them?

UNRWA is not helping these people - it is crippling them. UNRWA's hollow excuse that they cannot get rid of any of their facilities before a comprehensive peace is found is absurd in this context. An agency that truly cared about these people would have put into place a plan to diminish its services years ago until they are no longer needed. The massive UNRWA budget should be transferred to the PA so that the government, so lavishly praised for its institution building, can take basic responsibility for its own people.

The fact that "refugees" are in such poor financial shape even after they take advantage of free education and health services is all the proof you need that UNRWA is hurting the people it pretends to help in the territories. it is not teaching self-sufficiency - instead, it has created a culture of laziness and entitlement.

While perhaps an argument can be made that UNRWA is necessary in Lebanon or Syria, there is no reason at all for it to exist in the Palestinian Arab territories. -

Unless, of course, it is meant to used not to help people but only to use them as a weapon against Israel. 



By the way, the UNRWA report mentions that employment of Palestinian Arabs in Israel increased by 5.51% between the second half of 2010 and the first half of 2011 and 1.64% compared to the first half of 2010 (which accounts for seasonal jobs.)

And it also grudgingly admits that Palestinian Arabs enjoy "relatively high wage jobs in Israel."

 

Jenin: Massacring Truth

 
Een artikel uit 2004, maar nog altijd actueel. Helaas ben ik de documentaire waarover het gaat niet tegengekomen bij Tegenlicht, op Canvas of Holanddoc.
Himel says he knows critics will question his own point of view before they even see his film. The difference between his film and blanket media coverage of the Israeli incursion into Jenin, he says, is that he went out of his way to get the other side of the story, even going so far as to risk his personal safety by tracking down and querying Palestinian fighters.
Many European journalists at Jenin didn't bother to talk to Israeli soldiers and their commanders after the fighting, Himel says, even though they were standing just meters away.

Ik herinner me vooral een reportage, meermaals uitgezonden, waarin volkomen partij werd gekozen voor de ‘vrijheidsstrijders’ uit Jenin, die stuk voor stuk als dappere helden werden geportretteerd. ‘Arna’s children’, heette hij meen ik, en hij begint een paar jaar voor de gevechten toen de jonge terroristen die middels aanslagen in bussen, supermarkten en uitgaansgelegenheden honderden Israelische burgers doodden in een theatergroep zaten, geleid door de pro-Palestijnse Arna, met een Joodse moeder en een Palestijnse vader. Arna is charismatisch en een sterke persoonlijkheid, en hitst de kinderen op tegen Israel.

The controversy over Jenin hints at a deeper, wider issue, however, and that is the entire tone of media coverage on Israel and the Middle East.
"What's really going on here is confusing, because the real dialogue is not whether there was a massacre or not a massacre," Himel says.
"The real dialogue is: Is Israel or Palestine legitimate or not legitimate? It's all a matter of point of view. For people who feel Israel is an illegitimate state, it doesn't matter if it was one person here and two people there. Whatever Israel does is going to be wrong, because it's an illegitimate country.
"That's the real discussion. The massacre thing just echoes the real discussion. Sometimes I say to myself that everything would be better if we just had the real discussion."
Steeds meer mensen keuren alles wat Israel doet af, en het enige dat ze zouden accepteren is onvoorwaardelijke overgave. Nooit reageren op Palestijns geweld en allerlei concessies doen zonder iets terug te verwachten. Worden concessies met geweld beantwoord? Dan waren ze blijkbaar niet goed genoeg. Reageert een Israelische politicus een keer gepikeerd terug nadat Achmadinejad, Assad of Erdogan vrijuit hun beledigingen rondstrooien, dan is Israel arrogant en speelt met vuur, of verspeelt zijn weinige vriendschappen in de regio. Wanneer de Palestijnen en Arabieren Israel diplomatiek tegenwerken is dat natuurlijk helemaal logisch, maar wanneer Israel zich verzet tegen het Palestijnse lidmaatschap van VN organen en het zo omzeilen van directe onderhandelingen met Israel, dan is dat natuurlijk zeer verwerpelijk. Enzovoorts. 
 
RP
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http://www.aish.com/jw/mo/48942341.html   

A new documentary explores the damaging myth and underlying media bias against Israel.

by Alex Strachan 

 

         

Two years ago, spurred to act by a series of suicide bombings that took the lives of some 87 Israeli citizens and wounded 570 others, the Israeli Defense Force attacked what it believed to be a terrorist stronghold in the heart of the West Bank town of Jenin, a place of densely packed buildings and labyrinthine alleys and home to a close-knit core of Palestinian fighters thought to be responsible for 25 per cent of the bombings.

What happened that day was said to be a massacre on the scale of Bosnia, Kosovo and Chechnya, with entire buildings flattened and hundreds of Palestinian civilians killed.

People around the world assumed this to be true because United Nations aid workers, The Independent, the Times of London, The Guardian, BBC News and a host of other media organizations across Europe reported it to be so.

"Massacre evidence growing," a headline on BBC's website blared on April 18, 2002.

There was just one small problem. None of that happened.

The truth would come out eventually, Canadian reporter Martin Himel reports in his new documentary, Jenin: Massacring Truth. But the damage was done.

The myth of the massacre endures to this day, even though the BBC was backpedalling within days of the initial reports.

Little more than 10 days after accusations of a massacre were posted on the BBC's website, British military expert David Holley, a major in the British Territorial Army and military adviser to Amnesty International, was quoted on the same site saying Israel was right to challenge the UN observers' claims.

Holley cited numbers closer to "possibly 54 bodies. . . with possibly 20 or 30 unaccounted for."

He could not verify those figures until the entire site was cleared.

Massacre is an overused word, Holley said, and not very helpful in situations like that.

Three months later, in August 2002, the United Nations and Human Rights Watch put the final fatality figures at 26 Palestinian fighters, 26 civilians and 23 Israeli soldiers.

But the genie was out of the bottle, and once out, it would prove next to impossible to put back in.

The "massacre" is now part of the historical record, promulgated in part by a Palestinian documentary film, Jenin, Jenin, that equated the Israeli incursion into the town with war crimes and ethnic cleansing, and by the refusal of many European journalists who covered the initial story to admit they got the facts wrong.

Himel chose to make his documentary through the eyes and recollections of an Israeli reservist, Johnathan Van Caspel, a man who has felt the stain of being branded a war criminal.

Himel managed to get his hands on camcorder footage taken by both Van Caspel's unit and, remarkably, that of Palestinian fighters in the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, to take viewers inside what in actuality was a nasty urban firefight, full of frenzied confusion and near-panic.

"I tried to put the (viewer) right into what it's like to fight urban warfare, to be in it," Himel explained by phone from Israel.

"The unusual thing in this film is that the fighting was filmed by the fighters on both sides. Today, with these little home video cameras, instead of people taking stills of their buddies in war, they can actually film the war.

"What I tried to do was put the viewer right in there. And what I mean by that is, it's confusing. You don't see the enemy.

"You don't know where the bullets are coming from. It's scary. No one really knows what's going on. And that's really what it's like."

Himel wanted his film to reflect both the macro view and the micro view of what happened that day in Jenin.

The micro view is the personal story of an Israeli reservist who is still mourning the death of friends who died in the heat of battle, their memory stained by lingering accusations of a massacre.

The macro view is the wider story of how the media cover conflict zones, and how so many journalists managed to get this story wrong.

"Today, with live TV and instant deadlines and the Internet, in some sense we are demanding clarity of every situation that we see," Himel said. "But situations like this are very unclear. And because of that, a lot of information you get is also very unclear. This is a classic case."

Himel's film includes interviews with Palestinian fighters in the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade who were there at the time -- ironically, Himel says, Palestinian fighters are far more forthcoming than many of the journalists he tried to talk to -- as well as senior editors at BBC-TV; The Independent's senior defense correspondent, Kim Sengupta; the Daily Telegraph's David Blair (who defends his view of events by saying he reported what he saw and merely reiterated first-hand accounts of Jenin residents he talked to); the Toronto Star's Olivia Ward, who disputes the accuracy of some of the conclusions drawn at the time; and the Times of London's Janine di Giovanni.

"The interesting thing is that, of all the people I interviewed, the one thing they all agreed on, without exception, was that where the journalist is coming from, his background, etc., has a big impact on how he reports things," says Himel.

"They all say, and I agree with them, that in many respects, objectivity is a fiction. It's not that we're not trying to give an accurate picture of what's going on, but we all come from somewhere. And that's something we all have to realize.

"The truth is, though, that some journalists have bigger axes to grind than others, on all sides. And that comes into play here, definitely -- especially in a case like Jenin."

BBC's initial reports of a massacre were the most damaging, because BBC is widely considered to be the standard bearer for reportage from the world's combat zones. BBC News assignment editor Malcolm Downing tells Himel in the film that, because of its reputation, people are naturally inclined to believe that what the BBC says to be true is true.

"Like everybody, we make mistakes," Downing tells Himel in the film, "and we try to own up to them when we do. . . The correction is lying behind, though. We never catch up. That's true of everybody else, as well as us."

In an ideal world, Himel says, rival media organizations would take a step back and agree not to jump to conclusions until they have a better grasp on what's going on.

"But that's not going to happen. We're all going to come up with our stories as fast as possible, especially in the age of live TV."

The difference, Himel says, for people who really want to be informed and are willing to make an effort, is whether the reporter's approach involves a healthy level of skepticism or whether the reporter is willing to accept first-person testimony -- 'I saw this, I saw that' -- at face value.

BBC showed little skepticism toward initial claims of massacre from the Palestinian side, Himel says, whereas CNN's domestic service was more circumspect.

In an interview with Palestinian senior negotiator Saeb Erekat, CNN's anchor at the time asked if Erekat would return and retract his statement if initial claims of more than 500 casualties proved to be inaccurate.

"If (Israeli claims of 70 casualties) are right and your initial numbers were wrong, will you come back here on our network and retract what you said?"

"Absolutely," Erekat said. "Absolutely. And I hope the numbers will be nothing. I hope the numbers will be zero."

In a later interview with Himel, Erekat admitted he made a mistake. "On that day, the Red Cross was not permitted to go to Jenin," Erekat told Himel. "Foreign journalists were kicked out of the Jenin area. . . Martin, we've known each other for the last 25 years. This is the only time I've said I've made a mistake, in all my interrogations."

But first impressions stick, veteran BBC correspondent James Reynolds tells Himel in the film. "Going around the world right now, if one was to ask anyone who watched the news of it, what do they think of Jenin, they think 'Jenin massacre'," Reynolds tells Himel.

"Those two words are linked. First impressions are very important. And perhaps, despite all the other reporting at the end, they are never rubbed out."

Himel says he knows critics will question his own point of view before they even see his film. The difference between his film and blanket media coverage of the Israeli incursion into Jenin, he says, is that he went out of his way to get the other side of the story, even going so far as to risk his personal safety by tracking down and querying Palestinian fighters.

Many European journalists at Jenin didn't bother to talk to Israeli soldiers and their commanders after the fighting, Himel says, even though they were standing just meters away.

"I thought it was extremely important to do what these other journalists did not do," Himel says. "When they were in Jenin, they spoke to Palestinians who gave them a very graphic account, which turned out to be inaccurate. They did not take those graphic accounts and then sit with Johnathan Van Caspel or with the Israeli IDF and really ask them what their side was, and bring an equal version out of it. They didn't. I really felt that if I was going to put Johnathan Van Caspel's side out there, I really had to get a hold of the people who were fighting against Johnathan Van Caspel. Which I did. Which is not simple."

The controversy over Jenin hints at a deeper, wider issue, however, and that is the entire tone of media coverage on Israel and the Middle East.

"What's really going on here is confusing, because the real dialogue is not whether there was a massacre or not a massacre," Himel says.

"The real dialogue is: Is Israel or Palestine legitimate or not legitimate? It's all a matter of point of view. For people who feel Israel is an illegitimate state, it doesn't matter if it was one person here and two people there. Whatever Israel does is going to be wrong, because it's an illegitimate country.

"That's the real discussion. The massacre thing just echoes the real discussion. Sometimes I say to myself that everything would be better if we just had the real discussion."

The documentary is available for purchase at:http://www.canada.com/shopping/specials.html

© The Calgary Herald 2004

 

Hamas is 24 jaar geworden

 
Volgens veel Midden-Oosten ‘deskundigen’ en journalisten van zogenaamde kwaliteitskranten is Hamas pragmatisch geworden en bereid tot een compromis. Op hun 24ste verjaardag laat men echter weer eens een ander geluid horen, het vertrouwde geluid dat Hamas al vanaf haar ontstaan laat horen, en dat geen ruimte laat voor wat voor compromis met Israel dan ook. Er is letterlijk geen ruimte voor Israel in het wereldbeeld van Hamas, en men indoctrineert de eigen bevolking met haatboodschappen tegen Israel en de Joden. 
 
RP
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Hamas celebrates 24th anniversary, brags it has killed 1365 Israelis

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/12/hamas-celebrates-24th-anniversary-brags.html

Today Hamas is celebrating its 24th anniversary with a mass rally in Gaza City:


Interestingly, this is the 24th anniversary in the secular calendar, not the Islamic calendar.

As I had mentioned before, the logo for the celebrations shows a weapon emerging from the Dome of the Rock:

 

Hamas also released some statistics for the occasion: 

 

1848 "martyrs"

1365 Israelis killed
6411 Israelis wounded
1117 terror attacks
87 suicide bomb missions
11,093 rockets and mortars shot to Israel

Meanwhile, Mahmoud Abbas continues to lie and claims that Hamas is accepting the 1967 borders and a truce.

 

Child terrorists in training at Hamas rally today

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/12/child-terrorists-in-training-at-hamas.html

Aren't they cute?

 

 

 

 

 

 

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

http://www.memri.org/report/en/0/0/0/0/0/0/5895.htm#.TuHOSrSvEWM.facebook

Following are excerpts from a Gaza Friday sermon, which aired on Hamas Al-Aqsa TV on December 2, 2011:




Preacher: "Our banner is 'There is no god but Allah,' our slogan is 'Allah Akbar,' our mantle is 'Death to the Jews and to America.' […]

"The Prophet said: 'Judgment Day will not come until you fight the Jews – you to the east of the river, and they to its west.

"'Then the stones and the trees will say: Oh Muslim, oh servant of Allah, there is a Jew behind me, come and kill him.'

"They won't say: 'oh Westernized Muslim…'

"They won't say: 'oh Muslim who does not know his religion…'

"They will say: 'oh Muslim, oh servant of Allah, there is a Jew behind me, come and kill him.'

"Soon you will hear the stones and trees crying 'Allah Akbar,' saying: 'oh Muslim, oh servant of Allah, there is a Jew behind me, come and kill him.'" […]

 

 

donderdag 15 december 2011

Een vredesplan dat 70 millioen Arabieren uit de armoede kan helpen?

 
Een mooi vredesplan, maar realistisch? Israel is een innovatief landje, maar het zal niet de gigantische problemen van de Arabische wereld kunnen oplossen, zoals de hoge werkloosheid en geboortecijfer.
 
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/12/70-million-arabs-in-poverty-and-wild.html

 

Addustour reports on the Conference of Arab Social Affairs Ministers, held in Beirut on Saturday.

Among the statistics released is that the number of Arab citizens who live below the poverty line is between 65 and 73 million, and ten million Arabs are suffering from malnutrition.

According to statistics, the unemployment rate in Arab lands is at 20 percent and that the Arabs will need 51 million new jobs for young people by 2020. The Arab population is expected to increase to 645 million by 2050.

The number of illiterates of people 15 or older has grown to reach nearly 5.99 million people, according to UNESCO, and the illiteracy rate in the the Arab world is at 9.27 percent.

There is of course an easy way to help fix these problems: 

Make peace with Israel. 

Israeli experts would be thrilled to travel openly to Arab countries and work with them on economic, education and health issues, to create joint projects that would employ tens of thousands, to raise everyone's standard of living and to creatively come up with comprehensive solutions to regional issues. The benefits of a real, warm peace with Israel would be huge for all Arab countries. 

And there would be another benefit.


If a few Gulf states would break with their Arab neighbors and embrace Israel as a fact, it would bring peace with the Palestinian Arabs that much closer. The intransigence of the Palestinian Arab leaders is based partially on the unwavering paper support from their Arab "brethren."

They would be far more likely to accept a peace plan if they felt that this support that Arab leaders have given them was in jeopardy.


Everyone would win.

Unfortunately, the Arab mentality is not win-win, but a zero-sum game. They believe that if Israelis want to do something, it must by definition be fought against. (Arab pride will not allow them to accept help from the hated Zionists anyway.)

So their people will continue to suffer. Hundreds of billions of petrodollars will remain in the hands of the rich Arabs and poverty will increase along with the high Arab birthrates.

And Arabs will continue to be fed the lie that Israel is the reason for all their problems.

And the funny thing is, even supposedly progressive, "pro-peace" liberals are not calling for Arab nations to unconditionally establish warm, peaceful relations with Israel, even though it would benefit the Arabs - and ultimately their Palestinians - so richly.

On the contrary, they want to keep them in an official state of war.

Ironic, isn't it?

 

woensdag 14 december 2011

Benny Morris over het Palestijnse volk

 
Een uitgewogen reactie van een echte deskundige over de vraag of een Palestijns volk bestaat, in reactie op de uitspraken van Newt Gingrich.
 
Highlight:
Today, a group of people define themselves as a people, and that’s really what counts. If ten million say, “We are Palestinians,” that’s the major definition of a people, in addition to language, common culture, common history. Who is Newt Gingrich to really argue about it?
 
Dat is precies ook ons standpunt, en het geldt evenzeer voor het Joodse volk, wat Marcel Hulspas en de zijnen ook voor quasi-wetenschappelijke onzin uitkramen.
 
 
Wouter
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Benny Morris on Palestinan Peoplehood

Israeli historian weighs in on Newt Gingrich’s ‘invented’ remark

 

I and everyone else have had the chance to opine on Newt Gingrich’s comment that the Palestinians are an “invented” people. Still, I felt that Benny Morris could provide a unique perspective. Morris is one of the leading lights of the so-called New Historians, a group of Israelis who a couple of decades ago radically revised the understanding of the Israeli War of Independence, uncovering the full extent of the Palestinians’ plight, including the Jewish expulsion of Palestinians living in what is now Israel (Morris’ seminal book is The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem). A man of the left (he says; some would disagree), he supports a two-state solution but more recently Morris has blamed the failure of the peace process largely on Arab intransigence. I spoke with him yesterday over the phone (he lives in Israel) about the historical basis and political uses of Gingrich’s rhetoric.

Here’s what Newt Gingrich said last week: “Remember there was no Palestine as a state. It was part of the Ottoman Empire. And I think that we’ve had an invented Palestinian people, who are in fact Arabs, and were historically part of the Arab community. And they had a chance to go many places.” How do you respond to that?
There’s something to it historically, and there’s a problem with it politically and contemporaneously. Groups of people change. Before 1920, the Arabs in Palestine didn’t call themselves Palestinians, and didn’t consider themselves a separate people. They were Muslims. They were inhabitants of Jerusalem, or Hebron. They were Arabs.

Beginning in the 1920s, they took on an additional identity, which became their primary identity. By the late 1930s, they saw themselves as being Palestinians—historians may disagree on the exact point. But from the early 1920s on, they began thinking of themselves as an Arab people separate from the Arab people of Transjordan or Syria.

Today, a group of people define themselves as a people, and that’s really what counts. If ten million say, “We are Palestinians,” that’s the major definition of a people, in addition to language, common culture, common history. Who is Newt Gingrich to really argue about it?

But he has a certain truth historically. For a long time, even after the beginning of the struggle with the Zionists, they were just Arabs. There was no province called Palestine in the Ottoman Empire. Palestine was cut up into a number of sub-districts which belonged to Damascus or Beirut. There was never a separate administrative entity.

Did they, as Gingrich alleges, have a chance to go many places? I think he is referring to the Palestinian refugees of 1947-48.
I don’t know what that means, I don’t want to speculate. Could they have gone to the Arab states and settled there? They could have, but the Arab states didn’t treat them as equals. Syria didn’t. Jordan didn’t in relation to the Bedouins who had always been there. If he’s talking about that, yes, the Arab states could have absorbed them, but they didn’t, and the Palestinians didn’t want to be absorbed, and Israel didn’t want to take them back, so they ended up in a limbo called refugeedom.

Some pointed to the historian Joan Peters as the source of Gingrich’s history.
She wrote a book, From Time Immemorial, but it was actually panned by most critics, most historians thought it wasn’t solid history. It was written with a political bent. It’s not based on good archival work, good analysis. It’s not taken seriously by most historians.

Look, there were Arabs who migrated into Palestine (this is part of her argument). Palestine became more habitable, and Arabs immigrated in certain numbers. But I think the numbers are negligible. I don’t think any serious demographer thinks most of the Palestinians were recent comers.

Given the validity of Palestinian peoplehood, do the Palestinians have a greater right to the land than the Israelis do? A lesser one? An equal one?
People who live on the land—and nobody questions that many of them lived on the land—have a right to live there. And usually that right is followed by the right of sovereignty—that’s how the world is built. And the Jews have the right as well of being here—historical reasons. And the Jews also live here, which gives them the same right. Right of presence.

What do you make of the Republicans’ discourse on the issue, and the Americans’ generally?
I’m don’t know much about the discourse. Look, George Bush said it’s right that there should be a Palestinian state. Obama’s adopted that. Clinton implied it. It makes sense that the land should be divided into two sovereign states. My belief is that Arabs don’t want that, and that’s why it hasn’t happened.

Have you ever met any of the Republican presidential candidates, or President Obama?
I haven’t met any of them. I’ve never had the pleasure of meeting any of these characters.

Earlier: The Gingrich Invention

 

De constructie van het Joodse en Palestijnse volk (IMO)

 
Onlangs op Ratna's IMO Blog, naar aanleiding van de uitspraken van Newt Gingrich:
 

De constructie van het Joodse volk

De Palestijnen definiëren zichzelf zoals gezegd vooral in relatie tot Israel, en zij lijken hun identiteit te ontlenen aan de strijd tegen Israel. Men is het door Israel onderdrukte en verdreven volk, dat een harmonieuze samenleving kende totdat de zionisten uit Europa ze kwamen verjagen, hun land inpikten om er hun eigen Westerse staat te stichten. Maar voordat de zionisten kwamen was er nog geen Palestina met een eigen identiteit, er waren Arabieren in verschillende dorpen die onder verschillende lokale en regionale machthebbers vielen en uiteindelijk onder een ver weg gesitueerd centraal gezag. Een deel van de Palestijnen was overigens zelf pas relatief recentelijk in het gebied komen wonen; in de 19e en begin 20e eeuw immigreerden mensen uit Egypte, Syrië maar ook verder gelegen landen zoals Algerije en Libië naar wat nu Israel en de Palestijnse gebieden is. Dit is soms nog aan de achternamen van Palestijnen te herkennen (Mughrabi verwijst naar Algerije, Hurani naar Syrië). Belangrijke Palestijnse helden zoals Izzedien Al Qassam, Kaukji (leider van het Arabische Bevrijdingsleger dat in 1948 tegen Israel vocht) kwamen uit Syrië; Yasser Arafat is in Cairo geboren. Daarnaast bestaat een deel van de Palestijnen uit bekeerde Joden. De idee van een puur en inheems Palestijns volk dat door arrogante Europese kolonisten werd verdreven is dus onjuist. Zie dit artikel over hoe de Palestijnen honderd jaar geleden werden beschreven.
Lees verder...


De constructie van het Palestijnse volk

"Palestijnen zijn een verzonnen volk" aldus Gingrich, de belangrijkste republikeinse presidentskandidaat gisteren. Ze zijn onderdeel van het Arabische volk en er vooral op uit om Israel te vernietigen en hebben daarom geen recht op een eigen staat, volgens Gingrich. Stevige woorden, als je bedenkt dat ook republikeinse presidenten zich de afgelopen jaren hebben uitgesproken voor een tweestatenoplossing en tegen de voortgaande bouw in de nederzettingen, al sinds 1967 min of meer het officiële beleid van het State Department. Tijdens hun campagnes doen kandidaten vaak stevige uitspraken en beloven bijvoorbeeld nu toch echt de Amerikaanse ambassade van Tel Aviv naar Jeruzalem te verplaatsen, maar het gebeurt nooit. Ook voor Gingrich zal een en ander er anders uitzien mocht hij straks in het Witte Huis zitten. Zijn woorden laten wel duidelijk zien waar zijn sympathie ligt, en staan haaks op de Arabische toenadering die Obama zoekt.
Lees verder...

 

Iran wil Israel toch echt van de kaart vegen

 
Voor de linkse (en ik ben zelf links) neuzelaars die blijven beweren dat Achmadinejad nooit heeft gezegd dat hij Israel van de kaart wil vegen, en dat Iran echt geen gevaar is ("ze zijn nog nooit een oorlog begonnen"). Doorgaans dezelfden die beweren dat Hamas Israel best wil erkennen en er mee te onderhandelen valt (ik heb het even niet over Fatah)...
 
Wouter
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Tuesday, December 06, 2011

"How to Wipe Out Israel" wins Iranian book award

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/12/how-to-wipe-out-israel-wins-iranian.html
 
From PJMedia:
How to Eliminate Israel, a book written by a group seminarians in the city of Qom, was being promoted at the 13th book fair held in the north eastern Province of Khorasan Province, last week.

In an interview with RASA News, Hojjat ol’Eslam Mohammad Ebrahim-Nia, who headed up the team of writers, said: “How to Eliminate Israel won the Book of the Year award in the ‘soft war’ book category at the fair. Three thousand copies of this first edition of the 180-page book has been published by the Khorasan branch of the Ministry of Islamic culture and guidance. The book is seven chapters and it covers the Israeli mentality and weak points, the Israeli people’s crimes, warnings given to Muslims about the Jews in the Quran, and the effective methods of dealing with them. Also, other than current translations of relevant verses from the Quran, the book includes pictures of Zionists associated with the themes of the cited verses and relevant statements made by Jewish thinkers. The content and title of the book are based on religious rulings issued by Ayatollah Khomeini, who judged that the elimination of the State of Israel is a religious duty similar to other duties to which all Muslims are committed. The verses of the Quran which discuss the Jews are always applicable, and there is no other people about which the Quran warns the Muslims as much as the Jews, who continue their crimes against the Muslim nation.”

Ebrahim-Nia opined that there is generally a shortage of attention given to the struggle against Israel by the Iranian regime’s own institutions which should be considered the most dangerous enemy facing Muslims. He added: “The issue of Israel is evidently not a top priority for the government which is involved in dealing with other matters. I urge all young students and seminarians to turn the instructions of our Supreme Leader, regarding the adaptation of education of the seminaries to the needs of the society, into reality. If this is done, the enemy will know that the entire Muslim nation is committed to implementing the Supreme Leader’s instructions, and will not even dare threaten a military attack.”
In the original story at Raja News the book title is translated as "How Israel Should be Wiped Out."

But I'm sure that is simply a mistranslation. Middle East "experts" have vouched for the fact that Iran has no violent aims towards Israel.