Wat heeft Olmert tijdens zijn regeerperiode bereikt? Haaretz maakt de balans op en die is niet erg positief. Het kan dus niet moeilijk zijn voor Livni om het beter te doen, mits het haar lukt een enigzins stabiele coalitie samen te stellen.
Voor een editorial lijkt onderstaande evaluatie wel erg politiek gekleurd. Misschien werd Olmert niet gekozen als Kadima-leider (de partij was nog in opbouw), maar met hem als lijsttrekker werd Kadima wel bij verre de grootste partij na de verkiezingen van maart 2006, iets wat bijvoorbeeld de LPF in Nederland niet lukte na het wegvallen van Pim Fortuyn. Het slechte presteren van het IDF in de Libanon oorlog is zeker niet alleen Olmert aan te rekenen, maar kwam ook door jarenlange nalatigheid en de door Netanyahu in het vorige kabinet doorgevoerde bezuinigingen. Ook dat het vredesproces geen milimeter is opgeschoten onder Olmert's bewind bestrijdt ik. Sharon weigerde met de PA te praten en kwam daarom met de formule van eenzijdige terugtrekking op de proppen. Onder Olmert worden al driekwart jaar moeizame onderhandelingen met de Palestijnen gevoerd, die zo niet dit jaar, dan toch hopelijk volgend jaar tot een akkoord zouden kunnen leiden. De Haaretz redaktie is zo cynisch of gefrustreerd dat ze Olmert geen greintje krediet willen geven. Dat is ook beter voor de krantenverkoop, want Olmert is waarschijnlijk wel de meest impopulaire premier tot nu toe.
Wouter
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Olmert's term
Olmert's term
The State of Israel has known many governments in its 60 years of existence, yet it is doubtful whether it has ever known a worse one than that of Ehud Olmert, which came to its end yesterday. Its balance sheet, after two years and nine months, comes very close to zero.
Olmert was not elected to his post; he inherited the job from Ariel Sharon when Sharon fell ill. As Sharon's successor at the head of Kadima, a party that was concocted from members of Likud and Labor, Olmert led the faction to a humble achievement, winning less than one-fourth of all Knesset seats, though that sufficed to form a government. In filling the most senior posts, Olmert acted bizarrely: He named Abraham Hirchson to the Finance Ministry, Amir Peretz as defense minister and Haim Ramon as justice minister. The results were not long in coming.
Hirchson resigned after being suspected of corruption, while Peretz failed in his job as defense minister, particularly in his handling of the war in Lebanon. He also lost the leadership of the Labor Party. Ramon chose to duel with the Supreme Court and, after being convicted of an indecent sexual act against a female soldier, was removed from his post, only to be promoted to the job of vice premier.
In Ramon's stead, Olmert named Prof. Daniel Friedmann, who served as a battering ram against the judicial system which he was supposed to defend. It is difficult to determine the extent of the damage Friedmann will leave behind, but his contribution to the public's loss of faith in the justice system and the rule of law is clear even now.
Yet the biggest disappointment lies in the diplomatic and security realm. Just a few months after the government was sworn in, Olmert decided, with the support of his cabinet, to embark on a hastily conceived, large-scale military operation in Lebanon, following the abduction of two soldiers on the northern border. Both sections of the Winograd Committee's report revealed the depth of the failure of the decision-making process, as well as the lack of preparedness of the Israel Defense Forces and its Home Front Command in what would become the Second Lebanon War. Despite all this, the prime minister clung to his chair and refused to acknowledge his responsibility for the failures, even after the resignations of Peretz and IDF chief of staff Dan Halutz.
On the Palestinian front, the government's talks with Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) were hesitant and futile. Despite Olmert's proclamations of progress toward a "shelf agreement," it soon became clear that this, too, was a case of empty words, nothing more. In the Gaza Strip, on the other hand, Olmert was forced to accept a truce with Hamas on controversial terms. Even on the Syrian track, where there are some signs of progress, Olmert struggled to advance the talks to the negotiation stage. He wraps up his tenure with Israel no closer to peace, on any front, than it was prior to his taking office.
His greatest failure, though, is what now seems like a chain of alleged crimes, and it is these that brought his term to an early end. He is suspected, inter alia, of serious crimes such as bribery; fraud and breach of trust under aggravating circumstances; money laundering; and more. His personal conduct, which reflected his hedonism and greed, shadowed his performance as prime minister. The premiership, in his words, was his "place of work." One can only hope that Israel's next prime minister understands the importance of the challenges facing the country and views the job as a mission in service to the public.
Olmert was not elected to his post; he inherited the job from Ariel Sharon when Sharon fell ill. As Sharon's successor at the head of Kadima, a party that was concocted from members of Likud and Labor, Olmert led the faction to a humble achievement, winning less than one-fourth of all Knesset seats, though that sufficed to form a government. In filling the most senior posts, Olmert acted bizarrely: He named Abraham Hirchson to the Finance Ministry, Amir Peretz as defense minister and Haim Ramon as justice minister. The results were not long in coming.
Hirchson resigned after being suspected of corruption, while Peretz failed in his job as defense minister, particularly in his handling of the war in Lebanon. He also lost the leadership of the Labor Party. Ramon chose to duel with the Supreme Court and, after being convicted of an indecent sexual act against a female soldier, was removed from his post, only to be promoted to the job of vice premier.
In Ramon's stead, Olmert named Prof. Daniel Friedmann, who served as a battering ram against the judicial system which he was supposed to defend. It is difficult to determine the extent of the damage Friedmann will leave behind, but his contribution to the public's loss of faith in the justice system and the rule of law is clear even now.
Yet the biggest disappointment lies in the diplomatic and security realm. Just a few months after the government was sworn in, Olmert decided, with the support of his cabinet, to embark on a hastily conceived, large-scale military operation in Lebanon, following the abduction of two soldiers on the northern border. Both sections of the Winograd Committee's report revealed the depth of the failure of the decision-making process, as well as the lack of preparedness of the Israel Defense Forces and its Home Front Command in what would become the Second Lebanon War. Despite all this, the prime minister clung to his chair and refused to acknowledge his responsibility for the failures, even after the resignations of Peretz and IDF chief of staff Dan Halutz.
On the Palestinian front, the government's talks with Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) were hesitant and futile. Despite Olmert's proclamations of progress toward a "shelf agreement," it soon became clear that this, too, was a case of empty words, nothing more. In the Gaza Strip, on the other hand, Olmert was forced to accept a truce with Hamas on controversial terms. Even on the Syrian track, where there are some signs of progress, Olmert struggled to advance the talks to the negotiation stage. He wraps up his tenure with Israel no closer to peace, on any front, than it was prior to his taking office.
His greatest failure, though, is what now seems like a chain of alleged crimes, and it is these that brought his term to an early end. He is suspected, inter alia, of serious crimes such as bribery; fraud and breach of trust under aggravating circumstances; money laundering; and more. His personal conduct, which reflected his hedonism and greed, shadowed his performance as prime minister. The premiership, in his words, was his "place of work." One can only hope that Israel's next prime minister understands the importance of the challenges facing the country and views the job as a mission in service to the public.
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