maandag 5 september 2011

Is de Westelijke Jordaanoever bezet?

 
Wat is een bezetting en wanneer is gebied bezet? Amnesty International geeft de volgende definitie (overgenomen uit de Haagse Conventie):


"Territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army. The occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised."
The sole criterion for deciding the applicability of the law on belligerent occupation is drawn from facts: the de facto effective control of territory by foreign armed forces coupled with the possibility to enforce their decisions, and the de facto absence of a national governmental authority in effective control. If these conditions are met for a given area, the law on belligerent occupation applies. Even though the objective of the military campaign may not be to control territory, the sole presence of such forces in a controlling position renders applicable the law protecting the inhabitants. The occupying power cannot avoid its responsibilities as long as a national government is not in a position to carry out its normal tasks.

Je kunt hier tegenin brengen dat de Palestijnse Autoriteit geen volledige controle heeft over het gebied, want men heeft geen nationale soevereiniteit. Het gebied (althans A en B) is autonoom, niet onafhankelijk. In uitzonderlijke gevallen kan het Israelische leger Palestijnse steden binnengaan om daar terroristen van hun bed te lichten. In de praktijk is de controle van het leger in dit deel van de Westoever zeer beperkt: er zijn nog enkele checkpoints, maar het leger is vooral in het door Israel gecontroleerde deel van de Westoever aanwezig, waar maar 4% van de Palestijnen woont. Dit is wel gebied dat zij voor een eigen staat willen hebben en dat de verschillende autonome gebieden van elkaar scheidt.

Wat betreft de Gazastrook is een en ander een stuk eenduidiger. Volgens deze definitie is er geen sprake van een bezetting, want de enige Israelische soldaat die er zit is Gilad Shalit. Een blokkade (of belegering) kan wel of niet juist zijn, maar is geen vorm van bezetting. 

RP
----------- 

 

A quick poster

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/09/quick-poster.html  

 

 

Just because people don't know the basics:

Beschrijving: https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEippqdUniyzRH1fKEahY77u_3zXEJFseSsQ4wINZ58c2y0MNFkbaqcPa_KhNQ9h3XWvvoAcBbrGYISIxxZ1Q35o3Ih8plU8AD5CND_f2UcNU_yAn5VwxANXzlU4i10LI9eUGEby_RXtMro/s640/pie+chart.png

 


And by the way, Amnesty International wrote a very nice legal definition of "occupation" in 2003, a definition they themselves ignore in respect to Israel. They wrote:

The definition of belligerent occupation is given in Article 42 of the Hague Regulations:

"Territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed under the authority of the hostile army. The occupation extends only to the territory where such authority has been established and can be exercised."

The sole criterion for deciding the applicability of the law on belligerent occupation is drawn from facts: the de facto effective control of territory by foreign armed forces coupled with the possibility to enforce their decisions, and the de facto absence of a national governmental authority in effective control. If these conditions are met for a given area, the law on belligerent occupation applies. Even though the objective of the military campaign may not be to control territory, the sole presence of such forces in a controlling position renders applicable the law protecting the inhabitants. The occupying power cannot avoid its responsibilities as long as a national government is not in a position to carry out its normal tasks.

 

So 96% of West Bank Arabs are not living under "occupation" according to the Hague - and Amnesty - definitions. (The same applies to 100% of Gaza's Arabs.)

 

 

zondag 4 september 2011

Wikileaks: Palestijnse Autoriteit liegt tegen VS diplomaten over opruiing

 

Volgens de Oslo Akkoorden en de Roadmap moet de Palestijnse Autoriteit een einde maken aan de verheerlijking van geweld en het antisemitisme in de media en moskeen, maar dat doet zij niet. De PA heeft dit meermaal toegezegd zonder dat er iets veranderde, zo blijkt uit onderstaand artikel van Elder of Ziyon. Het is jammer, ik herhaal het nog maar eens, dat de Nederlandse media hiervoor volkomen blind zijn terwijl wel iedere aankondiging van het bouwen over de groene lijn groot in de krant komt (hoewel het niet bevorderlijk is voor de vrede heeft Israel geen algehele bouwstop afgekondigd behalve vorig jaar gedurende negen maanden, met uitzondering van Jeruzalem). Ik zie deze opruiing als een van de grootste obstakels voor vrede; het leidt ertoe dat de Palestijnen in meerderheid tegen concessies aan Israel zijn, zoals niet lang geleden uit een enquete bleek, en dat ze antisemitische uitspraken ondersteunen. Het houdt de haat en het wantrouwen in stand. In Israel wordt ook niet altijd even aardig over Arabieren gedacht en gepraat, maar van een dergelijke opruiing in algemene kranten en media is geen sprake. Wanneer politici of rabbijnen zich anti-Arabisch uitlaten wordt dat fel bekritiseerd, terwijl imams die oproepen de Joden te doden niet worden bekritiseerd. 

 

RP

---------- 

 

Palestinian Authority lies to US diplomats about incitement (Wikileaks)

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/09/palestinian-authority-lies-to-us.html

A new Wikileaks cable talks about how the PA was supposedly fighting incitement against Israel in its mosques in 2009:

On October 1, PA Minister of Religious Affairs Mahmoud al Habash outlined his ministry's efforts to eliminate incitement from 1,500 West Bank mosques, 80-90 percent of which are currently controlled by the PA. Al Habash told Post: "we monitor and control the Friday sermons with unified talking points of approved themes, and (imams) are not allowed to stray to other topics." If an imam deviates significantly from approved themes, he said, "we bring him in, counsel him and see if we can fix the problem. If we can't, he'll be relieved from his duties and given an administrative job -- or we may separate him from service altogether." Al Habash noted the PA has partial cooperation from, but no control over, Gaza mosques. 

When asked to cite specific instances in which the PA had acted against incitement in mosques, al-Habash noted that an imam from the Tulkarm village of Qaffin was recently fired for inciting worshippers against the PA. Pressed on actions taken against imams inciting against Israel, al-Habash asserted that "There is no more incitement against Israel in (our) mosques, because compliance with our guidelines keeps such views out of the mosques (that the PA controls)." He admitted, however, that Area C mosques are a problem. "In Bethlehem's Husan (village) there are four mosques not under our control; we've been asking the IDF for two and a half months to let PASF enter Husan for this purpose and we've had no response." NOTE: Husan is an Area B/C "seam-zone" village west of the separation barrier, bordering on the Beitar Illit settlement. END NOTE. 

Al Habash noted that his ministry is currently reviewing the curriculum of eight religious schools in the West Bank and Gaza. In addition, he said, "President Abbas has approved giving (our ministry) jurisdiction over the religious programming in the Palestinian Broadcasting Company's radio and TV programs; no publications by official Palestinian media violates the rules." Referring to recent incidents in Jerusalem (reftel), Al-Habash said, "there was no violent reaction in any Palestinian city or village; this is indicative of success in our efforts to reduce the culture of violence." NOTE: Al Habash was a member of Hamas until 1996; after that he worked with PA security services in Gaza against Hamas and joined Salam Fayyad's 2007 government as Minister of Social Affairs, changing to Religious Affairs last May. END NOTE.

 

The PA eliminated incitement from mosques by October 2009?

Then how could the following televised sermons have been possible?


Palestinian TV preaching genocide: Jews are enemies of humanity from Palestinian Media Watch on Vimeo. 

 

"Oh Muslims! The Jews are the Jews. The Jews are the Jews. Even if donkeys would cease to bray, dogs cease to bark, wolves cease to howl and snakes to bite, the Jews would not cease to harbor hatred towards Muslims. The Prophet said that if two Jews would be alone with a Muslim, they would think only of killing him. Oh Muslims! This land will be liberated, these holy places and these mosques will be liberated, only by means of a return to the Quran and when all Muslims will be willing to be Jihad Fighters for the sake of Allah and for the sake of supporting Palestine, the Palestinian people, the Palestinian land, and the holy places in Palestine. The Prophet says: 'You shall fight the Jews and kill them, until the tree and the stone will speak and say: 'Oh Muslim, Oh servant of Allah' - the tree and the stone will not say, 'Oh Arab,' they will say, 'Oh Muslim'. And they will not say, 'Where are the millions?' and will not say, 'Where is the Arab nation?' Rather, they will say, 'Oh Muslim, Oh servant of Allah - there is a Jew behind me, come and kill him.' Except for the Gharqad tree [tree mentioned in the Quran - Ed.], which is the tree of the Jews. Thus, this land will be liberated only by means of Jihad..."
[PA TV (Fatah), Jan. 29, 2010]

 

Sheikh Muhammad Hussein, Mufti of Jerusalem and Palestine:

"The Al-Aqsa Mosque is threatened by the plans of the enemies of Allah [the Jews], who have violated all faith and religious laws, and even deviated from their humanity."
[Al-Hayat Al-Jadida (Fatah), June 26 2010 & al-msjd-alaqsa.com (Al-Aqsa Mosque Forum), June 25, 2010]

 

PA TV broadcasts Friday sermon with preacher Dr. Subhi Ubeid. PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas and Secretary General of the Chairman’s Office, Al-Tayeb Abd Al-Rahim, are in the audience.  

 
“Saladin [Muslim military leader who conquered Jerusalem] was embarrassed to smile while Jerusalem was occupied. And now Palestine is occupied by the colonialist invaders. Where is Saladin to restore to this nation its glory and its greatness?”


Habash himself directly incites against Israel!

Speaker: Mahmoud Al-Habbash, PA Minister of Religious Affairs 
PA Chairman Mahmoud Abbas is in the audience. 

 
"Jerusalem is not just a city. Al-Aqsa is not just a mosque. Jerusalem is the key to peace, and Jerusalem can ignite a thousand and one wars. Unless the issue of Jerusalem is solved, so that it returns to its owners; unless Jerusalem will be Palestinian, as it was throughout history, the capital of the Palestinian state and the capital of the Palestinian people, the place which is the object of heartfelt longing and which all Muslims aspire to reach; unless Jerusalem is like that way, there is no peace. There is no peace without Jerusalem. There is no stability without Jerusalem. If Jerusalem is dishonored, if Jerusalem is disgraced, if [Jerusalem] is lost, it may leave the door open to all possibilities of struggle, all possibilities of war. The term 'war' cannot be erased from the lexicon of this region as long as Jerusalem is occupied, as long as Jerusalem is disgraced, as long as the residents of Jerusalem are being targeted. It's not possible; Jerusalem has to return to its owners. And we are its owners."
[PA TV (Fatah), Aug. 20, 2010]

 

 

Verslag Fact Finding Mission 2011 Israel

 
De zoveelste 'fact finding mission' naar Israel-Palestina misschien, maar actiegroepen als de roemruchte UCP kunnen niet tippen aan de gebalanceerde reizen die het CiJO aanbiedt aan Nederlandse, Joodse en niet-Joodse jongeren, die echt beide kanten van het verhaal te horen kregen.
 
Maar eerlijk is eerlijk: met een citaat van Amos Oz heb je mij al snel ingepalmd :-)!
 
Wouter
__________

 

Verslag Fact Finding Mission 2011

http://www.cijo.nl/activiteiten/verslag-fact-finding-mission-2011/

Geplaatst op 31 August 2011 door Joel

 

 'De meest gebalanceerde factfindingreis die ik tot nu toe ben tegengekomen', stelde een van de betrokkenen. Niet als je het aan de sprekers vraagt, natuurlijk. De medewerkers van de PLO vinden dat het programma teveel nadruk legt op het Israelische 'narrative', kolonisten op de Westelijke Jordaanoever vinden precies het tegenovergestelde. Zonder relativeringsvermogen is CiJO's Fact Finding Mission een drama.

 

 De organisatie waarschuwde de deelnemers al van tevoren. 'Jullie zullen gebombardeerd worden met extreme (en minder extreme) opvattingen die lijnrecht tegenover elkaar kunnen staan. Het is aan jullie om te bepalen waar voor jullie de waarheid ligt'. Ik zal alvast verklappen dat indien er een waarheid bestaat, deze in het midden ligt. 

 

De groep, bestaande uit 20 studenten met diverse achtergronden, heeft aardig wat informatie moeten verwerken. Er is onder meer gesproken met de Nederlandse Vertegenwoordiging in Ramallah, de beleidsadviseur van de Negotiations Affairs Department van de PLO, Israelische studenten, Hannah Goslar (Holocaustoverlevende en voormalig vriendin van Anne Frank), Palestijnse en Israelische ouders van de Bereaved Parents Circle, een voormalig kolonel uit het Israelische leger, Palestijnse ondernemers uit Jenin, kolonisten uit de Westelijke Jordaanoever en Nieuwsuur-correspondente Ankie Rechess. 

 

Een samenleving van tegenstellingen. De wereld van de kolonist die de Tempel wenst te herbouwen komt niet of nauwelijks overeen met de wereld van een willekeurige leeftijdsgenoot uit Tel Aviv. En dan te bedenken dat deze tegenpolen in sommige gevallen slechts tien minuten van elkaar verwijderd zijn. 

 
In het zuidelijke Sderot, de stad die al jarenlang bestookt wordt met raketten uit Gaza, moeten burgers de gewelddadige aanvallen van Hamas en andere terroristische organisaties verdragen, terwijl aan de noordgrens bewoners van Metulah moeten toekijken hoe de Hezbollah-vlag sinds enkele weken wappert bij het hekwerk dat Israel van sji'itisch Libanon scheidt. Een angstaanjagend gezicht, als je bedenkt wat Hezbollah met Israel van plan is. 

 

Maar we mogen onze ogen niet sluiten voor de dagelijkse realiteit in de betwiste gebieden. Door iedereen aan het woord te laten, zijn we er met de hele groep in geslaagd een goed beeld te vormen van de status quo en wat er allemaal op het spel staat. 

 

Oplossingen? Je moet van goede huizen komen wil je na een week en wat literatuurstudie met oplossingen kunnen komen. Toch vormden deelnemers die een mogelijke oplossing met de groep wensten te delen geen uitzondering. 

 

Pas na een zware maar enorm bevredigende reis waren we echt goed in staat alles wat op ons was afgekomen, te verwerken. Ondanks de complexe realiteit in de regio, ligt de prioriteit bij een oplossing voor het slopende conflict tussen Israel en het Palestijnse volk. Amos Oz , schrijver en vredesactivist, beschreef in zijn pamflet 'Between Right and Right' de situatie aan de hand van een toegankelijke metafoor. Volgens Oz is de relatie tussen Israeli's en Palestijnen als een onvrijwillig huwelijk dat nooit liefde of vriendschap heeft gekend. Een plotselinge wederzijdse uitbarsting van liefde ligt ook niet in het verschiet. Waar beide volkeren naar moeten streven is een beschaafde scheidingsprocedure. Een pijnlijke scheiding, dat wel. Dat beide ouders namelijk in hetzelfde appartement zullen wonen, met kleine kamertjes en een badkamer en keuken waar duidelijk een duurzame oplossing voor gevonden moet worden, is evident. In de praktijk betekent dit grenzen op basis van de wapenstilstandslijnen van 1949, met een speciale oplossing voor Jeruzalem en, met het oog op de toekomstige rust, economische samenwerking. Een gezamenlijk kopje koffie op z'n tijd moet dan best haalbaar zijn. 

 

De klok heeft gesproken en we kunnen niet terugdraaien wat er in het verleden gebeurd is. Iedere staat maakt fouten, ieder volk beschikt over z'n eigen zure appels, maar een vredesoplossing is noodzakelijk, wil de situatie in de regio trekjes van draaglijkheid aannemen. Israel is een fantastisch land en komt pas echt tot z'n recht zonder een constante militaire staat van paraatheid. Dat is ons allemaal wel duidelijk geworden. 

 

We concludeerden dat vrede geen sprookje is, maar ook absoluut geen 'piece of cake'. Je hoeft niet te kiezen of je 'pro-Israel' of  'pro-Palestijnen' bent. Het betreft hier geen voetbalwedstrijd, maar een onhoudbare situatie die schreeuwt om vrede. Deze vrede komt niet dichterbij als niemand bereid is radicale ideologieën los te laten of concessies te doen. Wat dat betreft zou iedere radicaal zich in mogen schrijven voor CiJO's Fact Finding Mission. CiJO's aanmeldingssysteem draait in dat geval met plezier overuren. 

 

 

De dag na de erkenning van de Palestijnse staat

 
Hieronder nog een doordacht commentaar op de Palestijnse poging een VN-erkenning in de wacht te slepen voor hun onafhankelijke staat.
Als de Palestijnen vrede willen, zou het hen sieren daarbij ook eindelijk de Joodse staat te erkennen.
 
Wouter
 

 

Zie ook:

Gevolgen voor de PA en PLO van VN-erkenning van een Palestijnse staat

Palestijnen: VN zullen de staat Palestina erkennen

 

________________

 

The day after Palestine

http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4115514,00.html

Op-Ed: UN recognition of Palestinian state a flawed international effort to shirk responsibility

Avi Yesawich

Published: 

08.30.11, 10:32

In three weeks, a sovereign Palestinian state will almost certainly be welcomed into the United Nations – if not by the UN Security Council then as a “non-member state” by the General Assembly. Worldwide celebrations in honor of the new Palestinian state will undoubtedly take place. Unfortunately, this festival will be honoring a superficial development; an illusion of achievement. In reality, recognition of a Palestinian state in the current political climate will not resolve any of the outstanding issues of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, only exacerbate them.

 

Here is an ominous reminder: the UN will be recognizing a state whose government(s) maintains questionable legitimacy among its own population, is maligned by deep corruption and internal fighting, lacks control over terror cells that undermine all peace efforts, is depressingly mismanaged and is completely dependent on Israeli industry. The world will be voting into existence a welfare state that currently owes much of its sustenance to the donations of the international community and Israeli tax transfers.

 

The Fatah- Hamas reconciliation agreement has proven to be a failure and never came close to being implemented – and it may never be. Abbas recently rejected the recognition of Israel as the Jewish State. The recent terror attacks and rocket fire emanating from Gaza have shown that terrorist groups other than Hamas hold considerable political and military sway in the Gaza Strip. Israeli security cooperation with Fatah has minimized similar developments in the West Bank, although that certainly didn’t prevent the Itamar massacre or other recent murders. Are these positive signs that point to a nation ready for statehood?

 

Anyone who endeavors to predict the consequences of the Palestinian bid is imprudent, yet media commentators and politicians are shuffling through the foreseeable scenarios. Large-scale riots, peaceful protests, violent confrontations, and regional war - anything is possible. The Arab Spring’s results (or lack thereof) already showed us that the Middle East is volatile, erratic and largely unpredictable. Yet one thing is clear: The vote will do nothing to further the interests of Israelis or Palestinians, and can only serve as a critically divisive moment within an already less than stellar period of Israeli-Palestinian relations.

 

Although defining “statehood” by standards of international law can be problematic, the four main criteria are (a) permanent population, (b) defined borders, (c) effective government and (d) ability to maintain relations with other states. The PA fails to fulfill at least two, if not three, of these criteria.

 

Fictitious solution

The Palestinians deserve freedom, justice, security and self-determination. However, a Palestinian state should only be established through a comprehensive and viable peace agreement. We need negotiations that offer real solutions to the intractable issues that statehood is meant to alleviate. Contrarily, the current UN bid looks to shirk responsibility for resolving internal and external Israeli-Palestinian issues of significant magnitude, issues that must be resolved before statehood can be bestowed upon a population who, as of now, seems woefully unprepared for it.

 

Some observers argue that UN recognition will force Israel to finally realize its West Bank presence is unacceptable to the international community. Yet the real consequences of such recognition vary considerably depending on who you ask. Many analysts seem to agree that the current bid will likely have no practical implications. It is reasonable to assume that UN recognition will provoke confrontations between Palestinian nationalists, settlers and Israeli soldiers. 

 

Of course, the threat of further international isolation and boycotts against Israel is also reasonable, but authentic progress won’t - and never has - come from unilateral action or power plays in this conflict, but through mutual agreements and meaningful negotiations.

 

Many nations around the world understandably want to wash their hands of the Israeli-Arab conflict and rid themselves of a problem that has been a source of immense political tension and violence for more than four decades. However, the current UN bid will not wash away the blood of thousands of Jewish and Palestinian lives that have been lost in this conflict, and the fictitious solution of declared statehood certainly won’t prevent further blood from being spilled. It may in fact encourage it.

 

The upcoming vote on a Palestinian state in September is an attempted quick fix, an example of the international community dodging responsibility in order to force progress on an intractable conflict. This approach will be a serious mistake. Fortunately for those countries, the implications of such recognition probably won’t result in violence, bombings, shootings or the loss of innocent life in their respective countries like it will here in our region.

 

Abbas, Erekat and others have claimed that the current UN bid is not meant to isolate Israel. However, unless the UN bid is retracted - which several senior leaders of the PA have recommended – both countries will be isolated: Israel from the international community and Palestine from realizing its true aspirations of sovereignty and self-determination.

 

The right of return, Jerusalem, recognized borders, freedom of movement, settlements, security and commerce issues will only be resolved through negotiations, not symbolic recognition or empty declarations. As long as both parties are guilty of refusing to return to the negotiating table, it will be to the detriment of all of us who desire to see a peaceful end to this conflict.

 

Avi Yesawich is an independent journalist and political commentator. He holds degrees from Cornell University and Tel Aviv University, is an IDF combat reservist and co-founder of Israeli Centrism , a social/political blog focusing primarily on Middle Eastern affairs. 

 

 

Waarom de Palestijnen nooit een Joodse staat kunnen accepteren

 
Dat de Joden zo'n 2000 jaar geleden een eigen land hadden in "historisch Palestina" wordt vaak niet als (voldoende) grond gezien om hen nu ook rechten op dat grondgebied toe te kennen, want 'dan kunnen de Kelten hier ook wel hun oude grondgebied komen claimen' (of in geval van de VS: de Indianen) en ons verjagen. Die verre geschiedenis is curieus genoeg wel een legitiem argument voor de Arabieren in Palestina, reden waarom ze ad absurdum elke Joodse geschiedenis en link met het 'Heilige Land' ontkennen, en ook weigeren de Joden als volk te zien.
 
Wouter
____________
 

History is irrelevant: Why Palestinian Arabs can never accept a Jewish State

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/08/history-is-irrelevant-why-palestinian.html

 

In the Palestine Papers we find that, already in 2007, the PLO created a memo to fight against the very concept of a Jewish state. It gives a number of reasons, but one stands out:

Recognizing the Jewish state implies recognition of a Jewish people and recognition of its right to self-determination. Those who assert this right also assert that the territory historically associated with this right of self-determination (i.e., the self-determination unit) is all of Historic Palestine. Therefore, recognition of the Jewish people and their right of self-determination may lend credence to the Jewish people’s claim to all of Historic Palestine.

Notice the cynicism on display by the PLO. The actual truth that there is a Jewish people is too inconvenient for them, because if there is a Jewish people then they have the right to self-determination, which conflicts with the Palestinian Arab version of history. So it is better to pretend that there is no such people.

Facts and history are thrown away so that the PLO can strengthen their supposed claims.

A recent article in the Institute for Palestine Studies by former PLO negotiator Ahmad Samih Khalidi takes an even more hardline approach to the topic, and is in some ways even more cynical. It is entitled "Why Can’t the Palestinians Recognize the Jewish State?"

[I]f Israel is the homeland of the Jewish people, then the lands that it occupies today (and perhaps more, for there are as yet no borders to this “homeland”) belong to this people by way of right. And if these lands rightfully comprise the Jewish homeland, then the Arab presence there becomes historically aberrant and contingent; the Palestinians effectively become historic interlopers and trespassers—a transient presence on someone else’s national soil.

This is not a moot or exaggerated point. It touches on the very core of the conflict and its genesis. Indeed, it is the heart of the Zionist claim to Palestine: Palestine belongs to the Jews and their right to the land is antecedent and superior to that of the Arabs. This is what Zionism is all about, and what justifies both the Jewish return to the land and the dispossession of its Arab inhabitants.

Clearly, this is not the Palestinian Arab narrative, nor can it be. Palestinians do not believe that the historical Jewish presence in and connection to the land entail a superior claim to it. Palestine as our homeland was established in the course of over fifteen hundred years of continuous Arab-Muslim presence; it was only by superior force and colonial machination that we were eventually dispossessed of it. For us to adopt the Zionist narrative would mean that the homes that our forefathers built, the land that they tilled for centuries, and the sanctuaries they built and prayed at were not really ours at all, and that our defense of them was morally flawed and wrongful: we had no right to any of these to begin with.

The demand for the Palestinians to recognize Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people has yet another dimension. It places the moral burden of the conflict on the Palestinians, and consequently, not only exonerates Israel from the dubious moral circumstances of its birth but makes the Palestinians the historical transgressors. Indeed, by refusing to accept the Jewish claim to the land, we are to blame for what has befallen us: had we accepted Israel’s claim during the Mandate years, the entire conflict could have been averted; we should simply have handed the land “back” to its rightful owners from the time that they began to articulate, at the dawn of the twentieth century, their interest in it as an actual—rather than spiritual—homeland. From this perspective, it is Arab rejection that caused the conflict and not the Zionist transgression against Arab land and rights. This is of course precisely why this Israeli government and its most ardent Zionist supporters want to wrest this recognition from the Palestinians, as it would absolve Israel of its “original sin” and delegitimize the Palestinians’ version of their own history.

Taking this reasoning to its logical (if extreme) conclusion, recognition would give Israel the right to demand a measure of retributive justice. If the Palestinians caused the conflict, they should pay for their “sins”: the Palestinian refugees should not be compensated for their dispossession, and the Palestinian people as a whole should lose any claim to equality or equivalence in any political settlement premised on supposedly painful or generous Israeli concessions.

 

In both these cases the arguments are simple: If the Jewish people have a right to self-determination in their historic homeland, then it places Palestinian Arabs at a political disadvantage. Therefore, they cannot accept it.

Even if it is true.

Facts are not the currency being traded here. History is optional and can be discarded when inconvenient. The overriding concern is not to find the truth, or even a way to reconcile two narratives - it is to utterly reject the ancient, unbroken Jewish claim to the Land of Israel, no matter what the truth is. And in both these examples, the reasons given are not because Palestinian Arabs have a superior claim to the land - it is because  the [implicitly but clearly] superior, antecedent Jewish claim is incompatible with modern Palestinian Arab nationalistic goals.

In short, the truth is not in the Palestinian Arab interest, so it must be discarded.

(See also my earlier essay on this PLO memo.)

 

 

450.000 Israeli's doen mee aan 'Mars van de Miljoen' demonstraties

 
De protesten in Israel halen ook hier het journaal. Op zich een verademing dat nieuws uit Israel eens niet over het conflict met de Palestijnen gaat.
Of ze veel zullen opleveren vraag ik me af: de protestbeweging is breed, maar daardoor ook vaag en niet eenduidig in de eisen die gesteld worden. Neem zo'n oproep:
 
"Mr. Prime Minister, the new Israelis have a dream and it is simple: to weave the story of our lives into Israel. We expect you to let us live in this country. The new Israelis will not give up. They demand change and will not stop until real solutions come,"
 
In het algemeen wil men meer sociale gelijkheid en gelijke kansen, maar over het hoe en wat zullen de meningen ver uiteen lopen. Anderen willen weer gewoon lagere lasten en prijzen in de winkels. De regering zal het zeker niet iedereen naar de zin kunnen maken, maar als ze enkele maatregelen doorvoeren die een deel van de demonstranten tevreden stellen, zal de protestbeweging snel verdeeld raken en wellicht uiteen vallen. Kortom, ik zie hier geen revolutie van komen.

 

Wouter

______________

 

Some 450,000 Israelis march at massive 'March of the Million' rallies across country

http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/over-400-000-israelis-march-at-massive-march-of-the-million-rallies-across-country-1.382366

Protests held in major cities across Israel represent of the biggest rallies in the country's history. Protest leader: We have chosen to see instead of walking blindly toward the abyss.

By Oz Rosenberg, Ilan Lior and Gili Cohen

Over 450,000 protesters attended rallies across the country last night calling for social justice in what was the largest demonstration in Israeli history.

The main protest took place in Tel Aviv's Kikar Hamedina, where some 300,000 people gathered after marching from Habima Square about two kilometers away. Protest leader Yonatan Levy said the atmosphere was like "a second Independence Day."

Protest leaders Daphni Leef and National Student Union Chairman Itzik Shmuli both addressed the Tel Aviv crowd. "Mr. Prime Minister, the new Israelis have a dream and it is simple: to weave the story of our lives into Israel. We expect you to let us live in this country. The new Israelis will not give up. They demand change and will not stop until real solutions come," Shmuli said.

"My generation always felt as though we were alone in this world, but now we feel the solidarity," said Leef. "They tried to dismiss us as stupid children, and as extreme leftists," but last night's countrywide protest proved otherwise, she said.

Dr. Shiri Tannenbaum, a medical resident leading the young doctors' protest against the recent collective wage agreement signed between the government and the Israel Medical Association, also spoke at the Tel Aviv rally.1/11

In Jerusalem, an unprecedented 50,000 people filled Paris Square and the surrounding streets, almost twice the number that attended previous protests this summer.

Actress and comedienne Orna Banai told the crowd in the capital: "I am not amused that there are hungry children here; that we have a soldier rotting in captivity for five years; that Israel is one of the poorest examples there are of human rights."

The chairman of the Hebrew University Student Union, Itai Gotler, said: "We changed this summer. The voice of the mother, the teacher, the student, have been heard...The fire of protest was lit in Tel Aviv, but the tent city in Jerusalem shows that the protest belongs to all of us."

Gotler said the Jerusalem tent city was closing down, but pledged to continue the struggle.

Yehuda Alush, 52, from Be'er Sheva, among a group of protesters from the Negev who marched to the capital, said: "This protest must not stop or we'll lose." In Haifa, the protest drew 40,000 people, many of whom waved red flags.

The Haifa protest focused on the issue of discrimination against Arabs. Shahin Nasser, representative of the Wadi Nisnas protest tent in Haifa said: "Today we are changing the rules of the game. No more coexistence based on hummus and fava beans. What is happening here is true coexistence, when Arabs and Jews march together shoulder to shoulder calling for social justice and peace. We've had it. Bibi, go home. Steinitz, go and don't come back, Atias, good-bye and good riddance," he said, referring to the prime minister, the finance minister and the housing minister, respectively.

The chairman of the University of Haifa's student union, Yossi Shalom, told the crowd, gathered at the foot of the Bahai Gardens in the city's German Colony, "There is no more beautiful sight than social solidarity. As a student, this is the most important lesson I have learned in recent months." At the protest in Afula the numbers reached 12,000; in Rosh Pina, 7,000 and in Kiryat Shemona, 7,000.

Meanwhile, in the south, a total of more than 1,000 people took part in rallies in Mitzpe Ramon and Arad. Ya'akov Laksi, an organizer of the protest in Arad, told the crowd: "Social justice means Arad will no longer be called an outlying town. We need to bring people work."

Laksi said organizers had expected only 100 protesters.

"We want the government to increase funding, not take from someone else," Eyal Adler, an organizer of the protest in Mitzpe Ramon said.

A protester who gave her name as Ruthie, said: "We are far from the eye of the media, but we deserve no less funding and a change in the funding map of Israel."

Concerns over possible rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip led the Home Front Command to issue a directive prohibiting demonstrations in Be'er Sheva, Ashdod and Ashkelon.

Eli Ashkenazi and Yanir Yagna contributed to this report.

 

Reacties Israel en Turkije op Palmer Report over Gaza flottila

 

Turkije is woedend vanwege het uitkomen van het VN rapport over de Israelische entering van de Gazavloot en de blokkade, omdat het rapport Israel op essentiële punten gelijk geeft. Turkije eist op hoge poten excuus, en dat weigert Israel terecht: de blokkade was legaal, aan boord van de Mavi Marmara zaten gewapende activisten van de IHH (een terroristische organisatie volgens Israel, de VS en de EU) en sommigen hadden vantevoren verkondigd als martelaar te willen sterven. Er waren geen hulpgoederen aan boord van het schip. Turkije heeft banden met de IHH en was ook bij deze actie betrokken, en draagt daarom zelf ook verantwoordelijkheid voor de fatale afloop. Israel heeft overigens wel gezegd de doden te betreuren. Het was mooi geweest als Turkije op haar beurt had betreurd dat een schip dat onder haar vlag vaart gewapende mensen aan boord had. Turkije heeft inmiddels een aantal diplomatieke maatregelen genomen tegen Israel, waarvan het zelf ook de dupe zal zijn, want het had veel aan de militaire samenwerking met Israel. Zo bombardeert het momenteel Koerdische doelen in Irak met Israelische wapens. Die Koerden zijn dus wellicht wel blij met dit conflict tussen beide landen, maar de tonnen boter op het hoofd van Turkije zijn verbluffend.

 

RP

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Palmer Report: Israel and Turkey's responses

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/09/palmer-report-israel-and-turkeys.html

Israel's response to the Palmer Report (in an appendix):

As the Representative of Israel to this Panel, I join the Chairman and Vice Chairman in adopting this report. Israel appreciates the important work of the Panel and thanks Sir Geoffrey Palmer and Mr. Alvaro Uribe for their leadership.  Their efforts should send a message to the international community about the need to engage with all sides to a dispute and to avoid prejudging an incident before all of the facts are known.

Israel has reservations to a few aspects of the report, which are expressed below, but appreciates that the report concurs with Israel’s view that the “naval blockade was legal,” that it "was imposed as a legitimate security measure in order to prevent weapons from entering Gaza by sea,” that the blockade’s implementation “complied with the requirements of international law,” and that Israel had a “right to visit and search the vessel and to capture it if found in breach of a blockade”, including in international waters.  The Report rightly finding serious questions about “the conduct, true nature and objectives of the flotilla organizers, particularly IHH,” notes that they planned “in advance to violently resist any boarding attempt” and classifies the decision to breach the blockade of Gaza as a “dangerous and reckless act,” which “needlessly carried the potential for escalation.” Israel also notes the importance of the Panel’s support for Israel’s long-standing position that “all humanitarian missions wishing to assist the Gaza population should do so through established procedures and designated land crossings in consultation with the Government of Israel and the Palestinian Authority.” 

At the same time, Israel does not concur with the Panel’s characterization of Israel’s decision to board the vessels in the manner it did as “excessive and unreasonable.”  The Panel was provided evidence of the repeated warnings it gave the vessels regarding its intent to board them.  Israel feels that the Panel gave insufficient consideration to the operational limitations which determined the manner and timing of the boarding of the vessels and to the operational need for a covert takeover in order to minimize the chances for resistance on board.

As to the actions of Israel’s soldiers, given the panel’s conclusions regarding the resistance that they encountered when boarding the Mavi Marmara, it is clear that the soldier’s lives were in immediate danger.  For example, the Panel notes that “Israeli Defense Forces personnel faced significant, organized and violent resistance from a group of passengers when they boarded the Mavi Marmara.” The Panel confirmed that video footage showed that passengers were wearing "bullet proof vests, and carrying metal bars, slingshots, chains and staves” and that this information “supports the accounts of violence given by IDF personnel to the Israeli investigation.”  The Panel further confirms that “two soldiers received gunshot wounds,” “three soldiers were captured, mistreated, and placed at risk” and that “seven soldiers were wounded by passengers, some seriously.” 

Given these circumstances, Israel’s soldiers clearly acted in self-defense and responded reasonably, proportionally and with restraint, including the use of less-lethal weapons where feasible.  The Panel's characterization of the circumstances which led to the nine deaths on board the Mavi Marmara does not adequately take into account the complexities of what was clearly a chaotic combat situation. In such a situation, reconstructing the exact chains of events is extremely difficult, if not impossible. Given the close range combat that clearly took place aboard the vessel, wounds sustained at close range do not in themselves suggest wrongdoing by Israeli soldiers. 

Israel’s treatment of the hundreds of participants following the takeover of the ships was reasonable and compatible with international standards. Reliance on some passenger statements presented in the Turkish National Report as evidence of wrongdoing was particularly problematic. Israel raised serious concerns regarding the veracity and credibility of some of these statements. 

Still, Israel cherishes the shared history and centuries old ties of strong friendship and cooperation between the Jewish and Turkish peoples and hopes that the Panel's work over the past few months will assist Israel and Turkey in finding a path back to cooperation.


Turkey's response:

I hereby register my disagreement with the Chairmanship on the following issues contained in the report:

- The question of the legality of the blockade imposed on Gaza by Israel.
- The actions of the flotilla
- Naval blockades in general
- Appendix: The applicable International legal principles.

This, for the following reasons:

- On the legal aspect of the blockade, Turkey and Israel have submitted two opposing arguments. International legal authorities are divided on the matter since it is unprecedented, highly complex and the legal framework lacks codification. However, the Chairmanship and its report fully associated itself with Israel and categorically dismissed the views of the other, despite the fact that the legal arguments presented by Turkey have been supported by the vast majority of the international community. Common sense and conscience dictate that the blockade is unlawful.

- Also the UN Human Rights Council concluded that the blockade was unlawful. The Report of the Human Rights Council Fact Finding Mission received widespread approval from the member states.

- Freedom and safety of navigation on the high seas is a universally accepted rule of international law. There can be no exception from this long-standing principle unless there is a universal convergence of views.

- The intentions of the participants in the international humanitarian convoy were humanitarian,
reflecting the concerns of the vast majority of the international community. They came under attack in international waters. They resisted for their own protection. Nine civilians were killed and many others were injured by the Israeli soldiers. One of the victims is still in a coma. The evidence confirms that at least some of the victims had been killed deliberately.

- The wording in the report is not satisfactory in describing the actual extent of the atrocities that the victims have been subjected to. This includes the scope of the maltreatment suffered by the passengers in the hands of Israeli soldiers and officials.

In view of the above, I reject and dissociate myself from the relevant parts and paragraphs of the report, as reflected in paragraphs ii, iv, v, vii of the findings contained in the summary of the report and paragraphs ii, iv, v, vii, viii and ix of the recommendations contained in the same text.


Every one of Turkey's points - the legal justification, the law of a blockade on the high seas, the clear intent of the flotilla participants to make a political statement and not for humanitarian aid (in fact, the impossibility of bringing serious amounts of humanitarian aid to Gaza via boat altogether) was addressed and answered fully  in the Palmer report itself. The Turkish response, rather than addressing the report, instead restates what its own flawed internal report said.

Notice also that Israel's response is as polite as Turkey's is rude.

 

 

Recensie van verstoorde BBC Proms concert

 

Cultural boycotts have their place. One cannot have anything but sympathy with the Holocaust survivors who set up pickets outside concert halls in 1950s America, demonstrating against the visit of Herbert von Karajan, a man who had joined the Nazi party not once, but twice. I bow to the rights of the PSC to protest peacefully outside the Royal Albert Hall. I bow to their right to try to convince us that the Israeli Phil is evil. Of course, one could legitimately ask, why, if they felt so keenly about human rights and democracy, they have never protested to the frequent visits by the Venezuelan Youth Orchestra, who perform clothed in the symbols of an authoritarian state, or the East-Western Divan, whose Arab members proudly represent some of the most vile dictatorships on earth.
But that's by the by. They had a right to stand outside and propagate their views. And they were granted that right. But then they went beyond this right. They imposed their protest on us to the extent that we were restricted in our freedom to do what we wanted. This is exactly the form of authoritarianism that the PSC claim to be attempting to end.

Er is inderdaad een groot verschil tussen het oproepen om niet van een dienst of product gebruik te maken omdat het in jouw ogen een slechte zaak dient, en het proberen mensen onmogelijk te maken dit te doen. Het laatste is een vorm van dwang, en is alleen geoorloofd in uitzonderlijke situaties. De anti-Israel boycot beweging overschrijdt deze grens wel vaker. Zoals ik eerder zei, ik hoop dat ze daardoor hun sympathie verspelen en men hun ware gezicht gaat zien.

 

RP

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A British arts review of the BBC Proms debacle

http://elderofziyon.blogspot.com/2011/09/british-arts-review-of-bbc-proms.html

From Igor Toronyi-Lalic at The Arts Desk:

Police. Placards. Protests. And bag checks. It meant only one thing. Jews were performing at the Proms. Here we were in the Royal Albert Hall in London in 2011 witnessing a stage of musicians being barracked and abused for having the gall to be Jewish. Last year, four more Jewish musicians, the Jerusalem Quartet, had the cheek to perform and broadcast a recital at the Wigmore Hall. They were again heckled and hounded off air. No, not a portrait of Europe in the early 20th century, but Britain in the 21st. I wonder. In a few years, will Jews be able to make music publically in Britain at all?

If it wasn't all so depressingly shameful, it might have been amusing, such was the pathetic absurdity of the protests. The evening certainly started with comedy. A small bedraggled bunch of Palestinian protesters (all white, middle class and bearded of course) were scowling by a side entrance of the Royal Albert Hall. Opposite them an Irish Zionist, sporting the tricolour of Eire and the star of David, was goading them with an Irish jig. That was where the whole farce that is the Palestinian Solidarity Campaign's (PSC) boycott of the Israel Philharmonic Orchestra should have remained: in the realms of risibility.

But it didn't stop there. A few minutes into a fuzzily luxuriant performance (even the triangle was being vibbed) of Webern's Passacaglia, Op 1, a bunch of protesters in the choir stands got to their feet and began to barrack. To the strains of Beethoven's Ode to Joy, they sang their anti-Israeli chants. I imagine a few of the audience and orchestral members would have been familiar with this sort of public abuse, from when they were children in mainland Europe.

Beschrijving: Beschrijving: https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEikNKHvd3ImTB4lhEyUQfE8W9P_qqtsya-ZD18DaQEEiobdTue9LFuG3dJ7n89PPDf-Pcpj9v_ngLP0GHT05fcnqx5kg4T_Nh_EUtaezozJBC8OCJdPS-FbZmmpt07Whb2KnKrYZBnvB-I/s400/shaham.jpg


They made it difficult to concentrate on the Webern, though Mehta made sure some of their fortissimos sliced through the taunts. They returned to dog the start of the Bruch Violin Concerto in G minor. Zubin Mehta, the Israel Philharmonic and Gil Shaham (pictured right) stood still, silent and calm, while the ushers and security swept out the protest. Amid this maelstrom, Mehta and Shaham, their patience wearing thin, tore into the opening bars. The work achieved a level of meaning and fury that no one will ever witness the like of again.


But while it was all sparks and springs in the outer movements, in the slow, both soloist and orchestra bowed to the softest, gentlest, most tender sound imaginable, as if they were reaching down to plant a kiss on a baby's crown. Not even the Neanderthals dared break this spell. Nor dared they interrupt Shaham's elegantly sculpted performance of the Preludio from Bach's Third Partita.

The BBC had by now switched off their live Radio 3 broadcast after the audience began barracking the barrackers at the beginning of the Bruch. It was understandable - no point giving the protesters publicity - but disappointing, considering that, if the listeners had been given an opportunity to hear the whole Prom, they would have heard the Prommers shouting down the protests, and the Israeli Phil ploughing on valiantly through their programme, to repeated standing ovations. That is, they would have heard us win.

...For some, something else had also been violated last night: the freedom of artistic expression. With qualifications, I am with them. I am not one of these people who thinks politics is above art. If people insist art and artists have the power to change lives for the better (and, boy, do music marketing people, with one eye on dwindling funds, keep insisting on this), they must also have the ability to change lives for the worse. Art, artists and musicians are, therefore, not sacrosanct. Break the law, rape a girl (yes, that's you I'm talking about, Polanski) and you should not be given a free ride simply because you are endowed with creative talent.

Cultural boycotts have their place. One cannot have anything but sympathy with the Holocaust survivors who set up pickets outside concert halls in 1950s America, demonstrating against the visit of Herbert von Karajan, a man who had joined the Nazi party not once, but twice. I bow to the rights of the PSC to protest peacefully outside the Royal Albert Hall. I bow to their right to try to convince us that the Israeli Phil is evil. Of course, one could legitimately ask, why, if they felt so keenly about human rights and democracy, they have never protested to the frequent visits by the Venezuelan Youth Orchestra, who perform clothed in the symbols of an authoritarian state, or the East-Western Divan, whose Arab members proudly represent some of the most vile dictatorships on earth.

But that's by the by. They had a right to stand outside and propagate their views. And they were granted that right. But then they went beyond this right. They imposed their protest on us to the extent that we were restricted in our freedom to do what we wanted. This is exactly the form of authoritarianism that the PSC claim to be attempting to end.

What do we do now? What can we do now? The protesters have all now walked free to hound some more Jews. The recorded concert - what's left of it - will be salvaged and aired next week. One thing, we do know: the Israel Phil won't be coming back to these shores in a hurry. And that's where things start becoming troubling. When we get into a position where programmers and arts organisations are forced to think twice about giving a platform to certain nationalities and races lest they incur the wrath of hooligans, we are in real danger of no longer being able to call ourselves civilised. The protesters didn't win last night. But they certainly did raise the stakes.

 

 

Palestijnse Autoriteit eert terrorist (video)

 

Hoe vredelievend is de gematigde Palestijnse Autoriteit!

Ik sta hier iedere keer weer versteld van: de PA verkondigt tegenover het Westen tegen geweld te zijn en zeker tegen het doden van onschuldige burgers, maar steunt de terroristen en hun familie ondertussen voluit. Zo krijgen gevangenen in Israel een maandelijks ‘salaris’ van de PA (autodieven krijgen dat niet, het is speciaal bedoeld voor ‘martelaren’ oftewel mensen die iets tegen Israel hebben uitgevreten, het liefst met doden tot gevolg), en worden talloze evenementen, scholen etc naar terroristen genoemd. En daarbij kijkt het westen dan even de andere kant op en doet alsof er niks aan de hand is. Op zijn best word het afgedaan als bedoeld voor interne consumptie omdat Abbas anders teveel aan populariteit verliest. Dat het nogal veelzeggend is dat je bij de Palestijnen slechts populair kunt zijn door terroristen en geweld tegen Israelische burgers te steunen, wordt niet gezien. Nee, de Palestijnen zijn voor vrede en het is maar een kleine minderheid die geweld ondersteunt. Helaas bevestigen ook enquetes dat dit beeld niet klopt. Het wordt tijd dat we deze werkelijkheid onder ogen gaan zien, willen we kunnen bijdragen aan een oplossing van het conflict.

 

RP

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Palestinian Authority honors terrorism (video)




You can't blame Palestinian Arabs for treating terrorists like heroes. It's a cultural thing, as old as the Palestinian Arab people themselves.

 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Moiazhai7jc