Nieuwe verklaring Midden-Oosten Kwartet strenger naar Israël

Terecht wijst Aaron Lerner hieronder op enkele verschillen met een verklaring van het Kwartet van een half jaar geleden.

 

Wat mij verder opvalt is dat er in het algemeen veel aandacht is voor het gebrek aan bewegingsvrijheid van de Palestijnen, terwijl wat betreft Palestijns geweld alleen de Qassams expliciet worden genoemd, en deze liggen buiten Abbas' macht. Er wordt niet gesproken van de vele verijdelde aanslagen op de Westoever, er worden geen zorgen geuit over de gebrekkige voortgang van de hervorming van de politie- en veiligheidsdiensten, en het enige probleem in Gaza zijn de gesloten grensovergangen.

 

Geen zorgen over Hamas' oproep tot een derde en vierde intifada, en evenmin wat betreft de voortgaande wapensmokkel en opbouw van een militie in Gaza. Het is natuurlijk sowieso een raadsel hoe er vrede kan komen zolang Hamas aan de macht is in de Gazastrook.  

 

 

Ratna

---------------

 

[ Dr. Aaron Lerner - IMRA:

Comparison: movement:
July 19, 2007 statement: "... creating circumstances that would allow for full implementation of the Agreement on Movement and Access"
December 17 statement: "stressed the importance of improved movement and access"

The difference: dropping the stipulation that improving movement and access is subject to the "circumstances", the Quartet apparently takes the position that Israeli security concerns are not a significant factor.

Comparison: settlements/violence:
July 19, 2007 statement: "...Roadmap obligations, including an end to settlement expansion and the removal of unauthorized outposts, and an end to violence and terror"
December 17 statement:  " Phase One Roadmap obligations, including an Israeli freeze on settlements, removal of unauthorized outposts, and opening of East Jerusalem institutions, and Palestinian steps to end violence, terrorism, and incitement."

The difference: "freeze" instead of end to "expansion".  And since use the device of referring to Phase One instead of overall Roadmap obligations, the Palestinians are now only expected to take "steps" to end violence - not necessarily achieve anything. ]

For the full text of the July 19 statement: www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2007/88716.htm

==========================

Office of the State Department Spokesman
Paris, France
December 17, 2007

Quartet Statement Following December 17, 2007 Quartet Meeting in Paris, France
www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2007/dec/97671.htm

The Quartet Principals -- Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, High Representative for European Foreign and Security Policy Javier Solana, Portuguese Foreign Minister Luis Amado, and European Commissioner for External Relations Benita Ferrero-Waldner-- met today in Paris to discuss the situation in the Middle East. They were joined by Quartet Representative Tony Blair.

The Quartet lauded the success of the November 27 Annapolis Conference, which resulted in agreement to launch bilateral Israeli-Palestinian negotiations in order to conclude a peace treaty and demonstrated broad regional and international support for Israeli-Palestinian and comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace. The Quartet welcomed the commencement of Israeli-Palestinian negotiations to resolve all outstanding issues, including all core issues, and looked forward to vigorous, ongoing and continuous negotiations. The Quartet reaffirmed its commitment to remain closely involved and to support the parties' efforts in the period ahead as they make every effort to conclude an agreement before the end of 2008.

The Quartet reaffirmed the importance of Palestinian economic and institutional capacity building in order to lay the foundation for a viable and prosperous Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. In that regard, the Quartet expressed its strong support for the Palestinian Reform and Development Plan presented by Palestinian Authority (PA) Prime Minister Fayyad, welcomed the generous support of the international community at the Paris Donors' Conference, and urged donors to maximize the resources available to the PA. The Quartet underlined that the success of this plan depends on the cooperation of all partners: the PA, donors and Israel. In this context, it stressed the importance of improved movement and access.

The Quartet commended the excellent work of the European Commission and World Bank in establishing and managing the Temporary International Mechanism (TIM) since June 2006. Now, with the establishment of a responsible PA government committed to peace, the re-establishment of a functioning PA single treasury account, and in light of the excellent Palestinian Reform and Development Plan presented to donors in Paris, the Quartet urged donors to resume direct bilateral assistance to the PA. Principals endorsed a final extension of the TIM until the end of March 2008 to allow sufficient time for donors to make this transition.

Quartet Principals noted the continuing importance of improving conditions on the ground and creating an environment conducive to the realization of Israeli-Palestinian peace, and the establishment of a Palestinian state living side by side with Israel in peace and security. In this regard, the Quartet expressed concern over the announcement of new housing tenders for Har Homa/Jabal abu Ghneim. Principals called for all sides to refrain from steps that undermine confidence, and underscored the importance of avoiding any actions that could prejudice the outcome of permanent status negotiations. The Quartet called on both parties to make progress on their Phase One Roadmap obligations, including an Israeli freeze on settlements, removal of unauthorized outposts, and opening of East Jerusalem institutions, and Palestinian steps to end violence, terrorism, and incitement.

The Quartet condemned the continued rocket fire from Gaza into Israel and called for an immediate cessation of such attacks.

The Quartet gave its strong support to the projects developed by Quartet Representative Blair and commended the constructive support of the Government of Israel and the Palestinian Authority for their implementation.

The Quartet reiterated its deep concern over the humanitarian conditions facing the population of the Gaza Strip and emphasized the importance of continued emergency and humanitarian assistance without obstruction. The Quartet called for the continued provision of essential services, including fuel and power supplies. It expressed its urgent concern over the continued closure of major crossing points given the impact on the Palestinian economy and daily life. The Quartet encouraged contacts between Israel and the Palestinian Authority to consider ideas such as Prime Minister Salam Fayyad's proposal for the PA to assume responsibility for the Palestinian side of the Gaza crossings in order to improve operations and oversight for the passage of goods and people.

Recognizing the crucial role that Arab states must play in support of the peace process, and the importance of the Arab Peace Initiative, the Quartet commended the broad and constructive Arab participation at Annapolis and called for their political and financial support for the Palestinian Authority government and institutions. Principals looked forward to their meeting with Arab foreign ministers, to be hosted by the Portuguese Foreign Minister, which would present an opportunity to discuss the way ahead.

The Quartet agreed to meet regularly in 2008, to review progress and provide support for the parties' efforts. Envoys will meet to follow up and discuss how best to harness international support for progress towards peace.

The Quartet reaffirmed its commitment to a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in the Middle East based on UNSCRs 242 and 338.

2007/1141

Released on December 17, 2007


--------------------------------------------
IMRA - Independent Media Review and Analysis
Website: www.imra.org.il

Bouwaktiviteiten binnen bestaande nederzettingen Westoever mogen nog, niet?

Gaat Israël door met het bouwen in nederzettingen? Wat is een 'settlement freeze'? Wat is 'natural growth'?

Ik ben bepaald niet de enige die geen duidelijk antwoord op deze vragen kan geven.

Volgens de Jerusalem Post:

PMO: No more expansion of West Bank settlements
JPost.com Staff , THE JERUSALEM POST Dec. 17, 2007
www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1196847365226&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

The Prime Minister's Office released a statement Monday evening stating that according to government policy, no Israeli settlements in the West Bank will be expanded.

The PMO stressed that no new construction would be authorized in existing settlements, no additional land would be authorized for construction, and no new settlements would be established.

Volgens Haaretz:

Officials: Israel to allow construction in existing W. Bank settlements
By Reuters Last update - 23:36 17/12/2007
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/935491.html

Israel will allow construction within built up areas of existing Jewish settlements in the West Bank, but will not expand beyond those areas, Israeli officials said on Monday.
...............

While Israel's decision would allow construction within existing built-up areas, the land that lies between existing buildings and the much larger outer jurisdictional boundaries of the settlements would be off limits, officials said.

The first round of the peace talks following Annapolis opened in discord last week after the Palestinians demanded a halt to Israeli plans to build some 300 new homes in the East Jerusalem neighborhood known to Israelis as Har Homa and to the Palestinians as Abu Ghneim.

The senior Israeli official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the Har Homa development plan was approved 10 years ago by the Israeli government and called for 6,500 units, 4,500 of which are already being built and lived in.

"We told the Americans and the Palestinians that in those places, within the built-up line, Israel will continue to build, because there is no other way," the official said.

The official said the fate of Har Homa and other building projects depended on the outcome of the negotiations, which Olmert and Abbas said they hoped to complete before Bush leaves office in January 2009.

"If Har Homa will not be part of Israel, it doesn't matter if Har Homa is 5,000 units or 6,000 units, Har Homa will be dismantled," the official said.
............

The official said Israel defined a settlement freeze as a commitment not to build any new settlements and not to confiscate any additional Palestinian lands for settlement use.

Included in its definition of a settlement freeze, the official said Israel will not provide economic incentives for more Israelis to move to existing settlements.

"It doesn't mean people cannot go and live in existing settlements. Where there are vacant places, vacant apartments, people can go and live there with their families," he said.

"If somebody bought an empty lot in one of the settlements 10 years ago and he owns it, and he decides now in the year 2007, 10 or 15 years after he purchased it, to build on it, the government of Israel cannot do anything about it."

The official said it was unclear what "natural growth" included.

Internationale hulp voor PA geen garantie voor versterking gematigden

Gisteren hebben de Palestijnen ruim 7 miljard dollar toegezegd gekregen op de internationale donoconferentie, maar helpt al dat geld wel om de Palestijnse economie er bovenop te helpen en de extremisten de wind uit de zeilen te nemen?

 

Nee, zei het NOS journaal, in een zeer eenzijdige reportage, want daarvoor moet Israël alle belemmeringen wegnemen, zodat Palestijnen vrijelijk kunnen reizen en goederen importeren en exporteren.

Dit is niet geheel onjuist, maar slechts één kant van het verhaal. Hieronder de andere kant.

Het volgende is opmerkelijk:

"A former Arafat aide once admitted that had most of the money been invested for the welfare of the Palestinians, it's most likely they would not have resorted to violence in September 2000 or voted for Hamas six years later."

 

Ratna

____________________________

Int'l aid to PA no guarantee for bolstering moderates
http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1196847366262&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

Since its establishment in 1994, the Palestinian Authority has received billions of dollars in international aid. The money was supposed to help the Palestinians build a strong economy and government institutions.

The assumption back then was that economic prosperity would weaken radicals and boost the moderates among the Palestinians.

But hundreds of millions of dollars went into secret bank accounts or to build big villas for senior PA officials.
Yasser Arafat also used the money to buy loyalty, recruiting as many people as possible as civil and security servants.
By depriving his people of the financial aid, Arafat drove many of them into the open arms of Hamas and other radical groups. Many Palestinians became disillusioned with the "peace process" because they never benefited from the fruits of peace.

The international community that was pouring money on the PA did not seem to care about the stories of financial corruption and embezzlement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Nor did the donors pay attention to the fact that Arafat was inciting his people not only against Israel, but also against the same "infidels" who were signing his checks.

When the second intifada erupted in September 2000, it was also because many Palestinians had nothing to lose. Instead of establishing industrial zones to provide jobs for many unemployed Palestinians, Arafat established a casino and bought luxury vehicles for his loyalists. Instead of building housing projects for the needy, Arafat gave his wife a monthly allowance of $100,000 to support her shopping sprees in Paris.

To cover up for the rampant corruption and mismanagement in the PA, Arafat unleashed a wave of incitement against Israel and the West, especially in the media and mosques. This is the Arab dictators' way of diverting attention from the real problems at home - by keeping their peoples busy hating the West and Israel.

It's estimated that Arafat's PA had received nearly $6.5b. in international aid. A former Arafat aide once admitted that had most of the money been invested for the welfare of the Palestinians, it's most likely they would not have resorted to violence in September 2000 or voted for Hamas six years later.

Plans to reform the PA have been surfacing since Salaam Fayad was first appointed as finance minister in June 2002.
But most of these plans have never been fully implemented due to personal rivalries and power struggles between political figures and groups inside the PA.

Arafat did his utmost to thwart Fayad's efforts because he did not want him to consolidate his power and emerge as a strong and credible leader. Many top Fatah officials also worked toward foiling Fayad's plans during his term in office as finance minister between 2002 and 2005.

Earlier this year, Fayad was reappointed finance minister in the joint Hamas-Fatah "unity" cabinet, but was also unable to bring about real changes because of the fighting between the two parties.

Now Fayad has a new-old plan to reform the PA. Like previous plans, this one has also been hailed as an "ambitious" one.

But the challenges facing Fayad are not different from those that scuttled his previous endeavors.

Fayad wants, for example, to fire thousands of civil and security servants - a move that has already drawn sharp criticism from Fatah operatives.

Moreover, Fayad is still surrounded by many of those who in the past hindered his previous reform schemes under the pretext that he's implementing the agenda of the Americans and Israelis. These are the same figures that fear that Fayad's success may undermine their status and improve his prospects of rising to power.

While the billions of dollars promised at the Paris conference on Monday are likely to improve the living conditions of the Palestinians and strengthen their economy, there is no guarantee that the financial aid would have a moderating effect on many of them.

This money is mainly designed to keep Fatah in power and prevent Hamas from taking over the West Bank. And unless the PA changes its rhetoric and starts promoting real peace and coexistence with Israel, the millions of dollars are not going to create a new generation of moderate Palestinians.

Israel's security measures, including movement restrictions and closures, are also not helping to boost the standing of the moderate camp.

The only way to undermine Hamas is not by channeling billions of dollars to the PA leadership, but by offering the Palestinians a better alternative to the Islamist movement. In order for Fatah to regain the confidence of the Palestinian public, it needs to reform itself and pave the way for new faces. The tens of thousands of Palestinians who participated in the Hamas anniversary rally over the weekend should have sounded an alarm bell in Paris and Ramallah, namely that the Islamist movement continues to enjoy massive support despite economic sanctions imposed on the Gaza Strip.

 

Moslim Broederschap: wij zijn bereid om 10.000 gewapende strijders naar Palestina te sturen

Volgens sommigen is de Egyptische Moslim Broederschap niet zo radikaal, en streeft zij op vreedzame manier naar een grotere rol van de islam in Egypte.

 

Oordeel zelf.

 

------------------------------------------------

Muslim Brotherhood Leader Sheikh Mahdi 'Akef: We Are Ready to Send 10,000 Men to Palestine, But Egyptian Government Should Arm Them; There's No Such Thing as Al-Qaeda - The Americans Made It Up

 

The following are excerpts from an interview with Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt leader Sheikh Muhammad Mahdi 'Akef, which aired on Al-Hiwar TV on November 30, 2007


Interviewer: "During the Israeli aggression against Lebanon, you said that the Muslim Brotherhood was prepared to arm 10,000 young men, and to send them to Lebanon in order to support the resistance. Does this apply to Palestine too?"

'Akef: "This applies to any country under occupation. One of the principles of the Muslim Brotherhood is to rid the Arab and Islamic nation of any foreign rule. The Muslim Brotherhood must support all the forces of resistance in the Arab and Islamic world."

Interviewer: "From where will they get the weapons?"

'Akef: "I don't know. I was talking about men, not weapons. I said we would recruit 10,000 men..."

Interviewer: "Armed men..."

'Akef: "No, you added the word 'armed.' The government must arm these people. When I fought in Palestine, the government knew about it. The government trained and armed us. As you well know, the military commanders worked with the Muslim Brotherhood. When we fought the English in 1951 in the [Suez]Canal, the government knew about it. We would undergo weapons training within [Al-Azhar] University."

[...]

'Akef: "In no country and under no circumstances is it possible to launch resistance unless the government approves of it. Otherwise, we would be fighting the government, which is not our policy."

[...]

Interviewer: "There are Sunnis, members of Al-Qaeda, who kill civilians in the name of Islam. There are Shi'ites who kill Sunnis in the name of Islam..."

'Akef: "All these things are American Zionist tricks. The Shi'ites attack one another, the Sunnis attack one another, and the Sh'iites attack the Sunnis.
But the Muslim Brotherhood has a principle, which I declared from day one: The Shi'ites and Sunnis are brothers."

[...]

'Akef: "I'd like to go back to the issue of Al-Qaeda. There is no such thing as Al-Qaeda. This is an American invention, so that they will have something to fight for..."

Interviewer: "What about Osama bin Laden, Al-Zawahiri, and the Islamic State of Iraq?"

'Akef: "When one man, or two or three, fight this tyrannical global superpower - is it worth anything?"

Interviewer: "Thousands have carried out attacks in the Iraq in the name of Al-Qaeda..."

'Akef: "That is a lie. Who says so?"

Interviewer: "They do."

'Akef: "No, the Americans and their collaborators say this."

Interviewer: "But they claim responsibility for these attacks..."

'Akef: "Al-Qaeda has an ideology, which makes them..."

Interviewer: "You described it once as a perverted ideology."

'Akef: "Of course it is. It is a perverted ideology, which employs methods that do not please Allah. How can I kill a Muslim when this is forbidden?"

*********************

* To view the clip of this interview, visit:
www.memritv.org/clip/en/1627.htm.

 

To view this Special Dispatch in HTML, visit:
www.memri.org/bin/opener_latest.cgi?ID=SD178607.

The Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI) is an independent, non-profit organization that translates and analyzes the media of the Middle East.
Copies of articles and documents cited, as well as background information, are available on request.

MEMRI holds copyrights on all translations. Materials may only be used with proper attribution.

Vredesconferentie in Madrid afgelast: radikalen willen geen dialoog met Peace Now

De term 'haviken' wordt meestal gebruikt voor rechtse politici in Israël, de VS of elders, die een militaire oplossing voor conflicten voorstaan en gekant zijn tegen vredesonderhandelingen en compromissen. Groepen als Hamas bestaan natuurlijk ook uit louter haviken, maar voor hen doet zo'n term nogal eufemistisch aan.

 

Verfrissend, en zeer correct, worden in onderstaand bericht ook linksradikalen als haviken aangeduid, die weliswaar niet snel zelf naar de wapens zullen grijpen, maar wel steeds weer begrip tonen voor het 'gewapende verzet' tegen de Israëlische bezetting en die eveneens elk compromis afwijzen. Het is dan ook een grove - maar veelgemaakte - fout om deze groepen (waaronder de Israëlische Hadash en Balad partijen) tot het vredeskamp te rekenen. Van de gekke is dat zij zelfs Peace Now (die tegenwoordig weinig anders doet dan het nederzettingenbeleid monitoren en aanvechten) bestempelen als 'een andere tak van de bezetting', waarmee zij zelfs niet in gesprek willen gaan:

"an activist in the Balad party, who was invited to address the forum, told Haaretz that she views the people from Peace Now and the Labor Party as another arm of the occupation, and therefore unacceptable for dialog."

De 'dialoog' die zulke groeperingen voorstaan, zou alleen maar dienen te gaan over de ontmanteling van Israël ten behoeve van een 'éénstatenoplossing'.

Helaas winnen deze ideeën aan populariteit en sijpelen ze ook langzaam door in reguliere media, waar Israëls bestaansrecht steeds vaker ter discussie wordt gesteld. Dit is zeer schadelijk voor het vredesproces. Extremisten proberen welwillende mensen en hun initiatieven te saboteren of voor hun karretje te spannen, zoals onlangs bij de One Voice Movement en de AbvaKabo gebeurde.

 

Binnen linkse partijen en organisaties en uit de mond van bepaalde politici krijgen we te horen dat Israël 'in zonde is geboren', zich eenzijdig uit alle bezette gebieden moet terugtrekken (inclusief Oost-Jeruzalem en de Oude Stad), en alle vluchtelingen moet binnenlaten. Israël als Joodse staat zou racistisch zijn (in tegenstelling tot alle Arabische en islamitische staten...). Anja Meulenbelt en Dries van Agt zijn twee prominente Nederlanders die dit 'paradigma' aanhangen en ten onrechte als vredesduiven worden gezien, terwijl ze eigenlijk tot de haviken gerekend moeten worden.

Wouter

_______________________

Planned Madrid peace gathering collapses before even taking off
By Yoav Stern Haaretz 16 December 2007
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/934767.html

MADRID - An investment of hundreds of thousands of dollars, loads of time and countless attempts at intensive Spanish-brokered talks between Israelis and Palestinians went down the drain this past weekend, when a peace gathering that was supposed to be held here collapsed before it could even get started. Spanish organizers grew tearful as they realized there was no possibility of bridging gaps between the various groups and of reaching even minimal discussion among the hawks - mostly members of the leftist camp in their countries.

The Forum for a Just Peace in the Middle East was supposed to convene over the weekend in a town near Madrid called Alcorcon, with the backing of leftist parties and labor organizations. It was meant to be Spain's contribution to promoting talks between the sides.

Spain, officials emphasize, is very interested in being involved in advancing the peace process. Its foreign minister, Miguel Moratinos, who is handling the matter personally, said this week: "We managed to send men to the moon, but not to resolve this conflict. We must move forward." But it looks like the failure of this forum will be laid at his door. The background to this failure involves a struggle between the government and leftist organizations over responsibility for holding the meeting.

Contrary to the usual Mideast scenario, this time the camps did not divide along national lines. There were Israeli Jews and Palestinians in both, but ones who hold completely different positions. The conflict between the camps revolves around the question of a worthy end to the conflict: a two-state solution or one state for two peoples.

In Israeli political terms, representatives of the Zionist center and left faced off against radical leftist activists, who were horrified at the prospect of having to talk to those they view as "representatives of the occupation." Yael Lerer, founder of Andalus Publishing and an activist in the Balad party, who was invited to address the forum, told Haaretz that she views the people from Peace Now and the Labor Party as another arm of the occupation, and therefore unacceptable for dialog.

"It is a huge problem when the heads of the organization do reserve duty in the territories and belong to [Labor Party leader Ehud] Barak's camp and then come to Europe and present themselves as belonging to the peace camp. This is not a camp that wants a just and genuine peace," she said.

Delegates from the Zionist left said yesterday that they do not rule out talking with anyone on the other side.

The Palestinian side also divided into two groups: those who boycotted the Israeli presence at the forum and were busy throughout with internal discussions; and those in the mainstream, who are willing to talk to delegates from Zionist parties to advance the establishment of a Palestinian state.

In lieu of the forum schedule, the latter went on tours of Madrid along with their Israeli colleagues.

Israeli Arabs played a key role in the Palestinian camp, spearheading opposition to the official Israeli and Spanish involvement. Amir Mahoul, general secretary of Ittijah, the umbrella organization of Arab civil groups in Israel, led the fight against turning the forum into an establishment affair. He called for an end to the influence of Israel and the Zionist lobby in Europe and the world.

Abd Anabtawi, spokesman for the Israeli Arabs' Higher Monitoring Committee, accused Israel's Foreign Ministry of sabotaging the event. According to Anabtawi, if the various United Nations resolutions do not constitute the basis for peace, there will be only one solution: establishing a secular democratic state in all of Palestine. He rejected the claim that making peace requires negotiating with centrists in Israeli and Palestinian societies.

Acknowledging that this forum lacked any force to impact the situation in the Middle East, Anabtawi blamed Israel for the lost chance to enlist more European support for the Palestinians. "Israel must not force its position on us and on civil society in Spain. The forum was liquidated, murdered in fact, by Israel," he said.

Vervuiling op Westelijke Jordaanoever bedreigt Israël's grondwater

Vervuiling stopt niet bij de grens, en discrimineert ook niet. Beide partijen zijn schuldig aan de vervuiling van twee rivieren, waardoor ook het grondwater in Israël wordt bedreigd, aldus een Israëlisch-Palestijnse studie. Een van de redenen is dat de riolering in sommige Palestijnse steden direct op de rivier uitkomt, zonder vooraf gezuiverd te worden.

 

Professor Alon Tal of the Blaustein Institute, in his summary of the research, noted that Israelis and Palestinians had managed to work together to reduce pollution despite the political tensions. "Nevertheless, what has been done to date is only the first stage," he wrote.

 

 

Misschien dat juist samenwerking op een terrein waar beide partijen belang bij hebben, kan bijdragen aan een algemene sfeer van coöperatie en vertrouwen, maar dat zal wel weer wishful thinking zijn....

 

 

Ratna

------------

Study: West Bank pollution threatening Israeli groundwater
By Zafrir Rinat / Haaretz, 16 December 2007
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/934768.html

For several years now, a white river has run through the Hebron Hills. The color comes from pollution - waste from a sawmill near Hebron. And according to a recent Israeli-Palestinian study, pollution from this river and others like it is threatening the groundwater inside Israel, and is impeding attempts to rehabilitate Israel's rivers.

Israel has tried to deal with the problem by collecting and purifying the waste at the Green Line, the boundary between Israel and the West Bank. But that is insufficient, because much pollution enters the groundwater in the West Bank and spreads to Israel underground. Advertisement

The two-year study was conducted by the Arava Institute for Environmental Studies, the Blaustein Institute for Desert Research at Ben-Gurion University and the Palestinian Water and Environmental Development Organization. It focused on the Alexander River, which runs from Nablus to the Mediterranean north of Netanya, and the Basor River, which runs from near Hebron to the Gaza Strip. Major investments have been made in rehabilitating both rivers in recent years, including by establishing waste treatment plants along them.

However, the study found, the Basor is now full of both municipal waste and toxins emitted by the stone- and leather-working industries around Hebron. It estimated that anywhere from 45 to 90 percent of the pollution seeps into the ground before the river reaches the Israeli treatment plant, thereby endangering the groundwater. Moreover, some of this underground waste then reenters the river downstream of the treatment plant.

The study found that faulty sewage systems in Israel also pollute the river.

While the Alexander River has improved substantially, the study said, it still is being polluted by municipal waste and the olive oil industries around Nablus and Tul Karm, as well as various sources within Israel, such as fertilizer and insecticides from nearby farms. In this case, too, about half of the pollution on the Palestinian side seeps into the groundwater before reaching the Green Line.

Amos Brandeis, chief planner of the project to rehabilitate the Alexander, noted that the German government plans to build waste treatment plants for Nablus and Tul Karm, but they will not be operational for several years. He also noted that the amount of municipal waste on the Palestinian side has grown, due to population growth and because many more houses have been connected to the sewage system in recent years - and this system flows directly into the river, rather than to a treatment plant.

Hydrologists Lior Assaf and Hila Ackerman of the Arava Institute said that more could also be done on the Israeli side - for instance, said Assaf, "planting buffer zones of vegetation along the river banks, which would help prevent pollution from entering the river."

Professor Alon Tal of the Blaustein Institute, in his summary of the research, noted that Israelis and Palestinians had managed to work together to reduce pollution despite the political tensions. "Nevertheless, what has been done to date is only the first stage," he wrote.

Hamas dreigt met nieuwe zelfmoordaanslagen en ontvoeringen

Als Israël een grootschalige operatie in de Gazastrook begint, dreigt Hamas met het verwonden van de in juni 2006 ontvoerde soldaat Shalit, met meer ontvoeringen en met zelfmoordaanslagen diep in Israël.

 

Tegelijkertijd moet een dergelijke 'escalatie' een Israëlische operatie voorkomen en de onderhandelingen tussen Israël en de Palestijnse Autoriteit doen mislukken. Deze dubbelzinnigheid (is het nou een reactie op, of bedoeld ter voorkoming van?) is kenmerkend voor Hamas, net als het uiten van allerhande dreigementen.

 

Men heeft al vaak gedreigd de zelfmoordaanslagen te hervatten, maar wekt graag de suggestie dit tot nu toe niet te hebben gedaan uit 'redelijkheid', en niet omdat men simpelweg niet in staat is dergelijke aanslagen uit te voeren vanwege de effectieve Israëlische antiterrorisme maatregelen, waaronder - juist ja - de grensafsluitingen.

 

Aan een dode Shalit heeft Hamas natuurlijk weinig, maar beelden van een gewonde Shalit die smeekt naar huis te mogen zijn goud waard. Typisch dat het Rode Kruis in zijn eenzijdige rapport over de humanitaire situatie in de Gazastrook nergens sprak van het feit dat men Shalit niet mag bezoeken; toegang voor het Rode Kruis is een recht van iedere gevangene volgens het humanitair oorlogsrecht.

 

 

Ratna
----------

Hamas will 'harm Schalit if IDF carries out Gaza incursion'

JPost.com Staff , THE JERUSALEM POST Dec. 14, 2007
www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1196847338287&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

Hamas has threatened to harm kidnapped soldier Cpl. Gilad Schalit if the IDF carries out a large-scale operation in the Gaza Strip, Army Radio reported on Friday.

Quoting Saudi newspaper Al-Jarida, the report cites Hamas's Syrian-based leader Khaled Mashaal, saying that he made an agreement with Iranian partners to increase violence against Israel which includes a threat to harm Schalit.

The planned escalation would be implemented in an effort to prevent an incursion into the Strip and cause talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority to fail.

According to the report, escalation will include suicide bombings deep in Israeli territory as well as kidnappings of additional IDF troops.

The Popular Resistance Committees also warned that it would increase violence against Israel. Spokesman Abu Mujahed told Nazareth-based newspaper A-Sinara that if Israel were to invade Gaza, the group will no longer aim its rockets exclusively at Sderot, but will begin firing at Ashkelon, as well as other cities.

Hamas 20 jaar: lang zullen ze doden

Op Hamas' 20ste verjaardag had men een inmiddels bekende boodschap: géén vrede en onderhandelingen, géén erkenning van Israël, en 'resistance'  totdat de vijand is overwonnen. Het is een constante boodschap en in lijn met Hamas' daden; hij wordt er ook al van jongs af aan ingehamert.

 

Ratna
----------------

Hamas leader: Palestinians can launch more intifadas

 

By News Agencies / Last update - 15:23 15/12/2007
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/934729.html

 

Hamas' Damascus-based political leader Khaled Meshal rejected Saturday any notion that the Islamist organization has seen its power eroded, warning that it is capable of waging a third intifada.

In a 20th anniversary message to Hamas TV, Meshal said Hamas would not abandon violence.

"This is our real choice, our trump card, which causes the enemy to succumb to us," he said. "Our people are able to launch a third and fourth uprising until the dawn of victory arrives."
 
Meshal said Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who controls the West Bank, does not have the mandate to negotiate with Israel.

Also Saturday, Hamas said Palestinian security forces loyal to Abbas had arrested 26 of its members in the West Bank.

"The Palestinian security forces continued the detention campaign that targets Hamas supporters in various cities in the West Bank," Hamas said in a statement faxed to the press.

The statement added that most of the detainees were arrested in the town of Qalqilya.

"The arrests are meant to prevent Hamas from marking its 20th anniversary," the statement said.

Hamas marks its anniversary amid a continuing feud with rival Abbas' Fatah movement. In June, Hamas routed pro-Abbas security forces and took over the Gaza Strip.

Tens of thousands of Hamas supporters gathered Saturday in a sandy lot and nearby streets in a Gaza marking the anniversary. The crowd appeared to be equal in size, if not bigger, than the one marching in support of Hamas' rival, Fatah, in November in the same spot. That rally drew 250,000, a major challenge to Hamas.

"This is the real referendum on the popularity of resistance, the people converging behind Hamas," said Zayed Herzallah, a 28-year old merchant, who brought a van full of young relatives. "Hamas today, after 20 years and after thousands of martyrs, is graduating the fourth generation (of supporters)."

Large pictures of Hamas' leaders, both in Gaza and in exile, were draped across the speakers' podium. A black banner hanging from a nearby building read, in Arabic, English and French: "We will not recognize Israel."

In the crowd were about 50 female members of Hamas' military wing, dressed in long robes and sporting military-style ammunition vests. Some covered their faces with veils, others with ski masks. Several took to the stage, waving green Hamas flags.

Ahead of the rally, tension was rising between Hamas and Fatah. On Friday, Hamas police arrested Omar Al-Ghoul, an adviser to Abbas' prime minister, Salam Fayyad, and seized some of his belongings.

Al-Ghoul was the most senior Fatah politician to be detained since Hamas forces overtook the territory in June.

Also Friday, three people were killed in a mysterious explosion at a Fatah-organized funeral in Gaza City. Witnesses said a man carrying explosives in a jacket accidentally detonated them, while Hamas security said a member of the procession threw a pipe bomb.

Fatah quickly accused Hamas of being behind the explosion, and the Ramallah government announced Saturday a national day of mourning. Hamas denied involvement, and issued orders to question another senior Fatah official in Gaza, Ibrahim Abu Naja, accusing him spreading the rumors. As of Saturday, Abu Naja was not in detention.

Zijn de contouren van een vredesverdrag echt duidelijk?

Hoewel beide partijen een tweestatenoplossing voorstaan, zijn zij volgens Yossi Alpher de laatste jaren niet dichter bij elkaar gekomen, wat vaak wel wordt beweerd.

Eén van de redenen is dat het de Israëli's pas de laatste tijd duidelijk is geworden dat de Palestijnen iets anders onder een tweestatenoplossing verstaan dan zij, namelijk Israël als een soort bi-nationale staat van Arabieren en Joden. Daarom eist Israël nu expliciete erkenning als Joodse staat en is de Israëlische positie wat betreft de vluchtelingen verhard: men weigert zich mede schuldig te verklaren voor het ontstaan van het vluchtelingenprobleem, en zo met het Palestijnse narratief mee te gaan dat Israël slechts ten koste van de Palestijnen gesticht kon worden.

Wat betreft Jeruzalem is iets vergelijkbaars gebeurd: al sinds Camp David ontkennen de Palestijnen de historische verbondenheid van het Joodse volk met Jeruzalem, en met name met de Tempelberg. Om die reden stelt Israël zich daar nu minder flexibel over op dan in 2000; men heeft immers het gevoel dat men dan het Palestijnse narratief voedt dat de Joden geen binding met het land hebben en Europese kolonialisten zijn. Het volgende is opvallend:

Never mind that prior to the conflict, Arab historiography readily acknowledged that the mosques on the Temple Mount, or Haram al-Sharif as it is known in Arabic, were deliberately built on the ruins of the Temple in order for Islam to benefit from the perception of being a continuation of Judaism.


In 1919 was de Hashemitische prins Feisal nog bereid om de Joden welkom thuis te heten in Palestina, en zag geen onverenigbare belangen tussen het Zionistische en het Arabische nationalisme en onafhankelijkheidsstreven.


Ratna
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Is the Outline of a Peace Deal Really All That Clear?
The Strategic Interest

By Yossi Alpher
Wed. Dec 12, 2007
http://www.forward.com/articles/12246/


'Truthfully," Tony Blair said barely a month ago, "if you took any group of well-educated Israelis or Palestinians and said to them, describe on two sheets of paper the rough solution to the core final status issues territory, right of return, Jerusalem they could probably do it roughly along the same contours of a solution."

The Quartet's envoy to the Middle East is far from the only one to hold this belief. Indeed, it has become common wisdom that the parameters to a successful two-state solution are quite clear.

This notion that the contours of a solution are obvious, however, is patently incorrect. Worse, it obfuscates the real areas of controversy that separate Israelis and Palestinians and that have to be addressed if we are to reach even a partial solution to the conflict.

What is perhaps most striking about the substantive gaps ignored by Blair and others is that they have widened in recent years — primarily due to changing Israeli positions on final status issues since the abortive summit at Camp David in July 2000. Indeed, the Palestinian side has been remarkably consistent in its positions, which reflect the belief that having conceded Israeli sovereignty over the state that lies within the 1967 lines, the Palestinians cannot be expected to offer additional concessions. The changes in Israel's positions are in many ways an adjustment necessitated by Israeli recognition of the Palestinian refusal to offer appreciable concessions on the core issues.

Let us take the issue areas enunciated by Blair one-by-one and examine just how considerable the gap now is.

We begin with territory. At Camp David, Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat were close to agreement on the settlement blocs Israel would annex, disagreeing mainly on the ratio of territorial compensation Israel would offer. Barak even allowed that parts of the Jordan Valley which Israel deemed vital for security reasons could be turned over to the Palestinians after an agreed-upon number of years. By 2003, when the United States occupied Iraq, even that security necessity became moot, as Israel could look east all the way to the Iraq-Iran border and see only friendly neighbors.

Since then the settlement blocs have continued to grow, while empty areas adjacent to the Green Line that Israel could offer to the Palestinians in return have become scarcer. Moreover, the Olmert government has correctly perceived the strategic value of a Gaza-West Bank corridor for a Palestinian state and attaches greater value to it within the framework of territorial swaps. Finally, with Iraq in collapse and Iran emerging as the hegemon in all or most of a future Iraq and thereby directly threatening Saudi Arabia and Jordan, Israel can no longer easily cite a date certain for transferring control over the Jordan Valley to a Palestinian state.

Moving to the right of return issue, the Israeli mainstream has in recent years concluded from Palestinian demands and behavior that the ideal Palestinian vision of a two-state solution comprises an Arab state alongside a state called Israel that is understood by Palestinians to be a binational Jewish-Arab state. Israel as Palestinians wish to see it would have a fast-growing indigenous Arab population and would confront pressures to absorb Palestinian refugees based on Israeli de facto recognition that in 1948 it was born in sin by expelling the indigenous Palestinians.

Aspects of this position are now reflected in mainstream Israeli Arab position papers that have been published during the past year. This means that the future status of Israel's Palestinian citizens has now become yet another Israeli-Palestinian issue characterized by a growing perceptual gap. This position is also clearly reflected in the refusal of the Palestinian leadership to acknowledge, as part of the successful peace process envisioned by the Olmert government, that Israel is a Jewish state as constituted in 1947 by United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 the authoritative document under international law that created a two-state solution to the conflict.

The Israeli "Jewish state" demand was nowhere on the agenda at Camp David in 2000. Today, however, with its very different perception of the ultimate Arab understanding of a two-state solution, Israel cannot permit itself in final status negotiations to accept even the symbolic return of a few thousand refugees — unless the Palestinians renounce the right of return and accept Israel as a Jewish state (with a protected Palestinian national minority). The gap between the two sides' positions on this issue is considerably greater today than that reflected at Camp David, or in the parameters laid out by President Clinton before he left office, or in the Geneva Accords drawn up in 2003.

Finally, Jerusalem. It was only at Camp David and thereafter that leading Palestinian spokesmen, from Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas on down, informed their Israeli counterparts that in fact there had never been a Jewish temple on the Temple Mount. According to authoritative Palestinians, it was only at Camp David that the Palestinian side realized for the first time how important the Temple Mount actually is to Jews.

Never mind that prior to the conflict, Arab historiography readily acknowledged that the mosques on the Temple Mount, or Haram al-Sharif as it is known in Arabic, were deliberately built on the ruins of the Temple in order for Islam to benefit from the perception of being a continuation of Judaism. Today the Palestinians are unable to accept a solution that acknowledges the historic Hebrew roots of the mount and provides accordingly for Jewish access. And mainstream Israel is unable to accept anything less, insofar as it would officially feed the Palestinian narrative that the Jews of Israel are merely a band of colonialists who lack roots in the land that they took by force.

That, Mr. Blair, would only fuel the conflict, not end it.


Yossi Alpher, a former senior adviser to Prime Minister Ehud Barak and former director of the Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, is co-editor of the bitterlemons family of online publications.

Sobere vooruitzichten na Annapolis

Is het Israëlische publiek al niet optimistisch over de kansen op vrede na Annapolis, Ami Isseroff is nog pessimistischer.

 

Volgens hem heeft het rapport over Iran van de Amerikaanse veiligheidsdiensten bepaald geen positieve invloed op het vredesproces. De nucleaire dreiging van Iran speelde namelijk een rol bij de urgentie van de Arabische staten om tot een oplossing van het Israëlisch-Palestijnse conflict te komen (om zo de radicalen de wind uit de zeilen te nemen) en voor de regering Olmert om concessies aan het Israëlische publiek te verkopen. Ook het Amerikaanse aanzien liep hierdoor verdere schade op.

 

Op het gebied van de nederzettingen, de buitenposten en de route van het veiligheidshek heeft Israël nog geen stappen ondernomen om de situatie voor de Palestijnen te verbeteren of hen vertrouwen te geven in Israëls goede wil. Rechtse Zionisten roeren zich al om op voorhand te protesteren tegen enige concessie omtrent Jeruzalem.

 

De Palestijnen van hun kant hameren enkel op hun 'onvervreemdbare rechten' op heel Jeruzalem - die ze in de Palestijnse wet willen verankeren - en de terugkeer van de vluchtelingen, en willen ook 60 jaar na de VN delingsresolutie nog steeds van geen Joodse staat weten. Dat maakt het nogal lastig om over vrede en compromissen te gaan onderhandelen.

 

Bovendien waarschuwde de PA dat ze het vredesproces als beëindigd beschouwt indien het Israëlische leger een grote legeroperatie tegen Hamas lanceert. Hamas is tegen het vredesproces, dus die zal er alles aan doen om zo'n reaktie uit te lokken - en daarvoor is niet veel meer nodig: de situatie in Sderot is al maanden onhoudbaar door de eindeloze Qassam beschietingen. Uit protest tegen het uitblijven van Israëlische maatregelen wilde deze week de burgemeester van Sderot opstappen.

 

Intussen spelen Egypte en Saudi-Arabië een dubieuze rol in het promoten van 'eenheid' tussen Hamas en Fatah.

 

Om maar een paar zaken te noemen, die nog bovenop de bekende problemen komen, zoals dat beide leiders zwak zijn en er nauwelijks te overbruggen verschillen van mening zijn over de vluchtelingen en Jeruzalem...

 

 

Wouter

___________

 

(Overgenomen met toestemming van de auteur / Reproduced here with permission)

 

After Annapolis - Business as usual?

http://www.mideastweb.org/log/archives/00000656.htm

12/10/2007

The Annapolis conference concluded with due fanfare. Those who predicted an utter, complete and immediate disaster were wrong, but it requires a great deal of optimism to see any positive movement or real prospects for peace.

The weaknesses of the Israeli and Palestinian governments were a known factor going into the negotiations. As as been pointed out, they will not make it easier to make peace. But other factors are intervening to make it much harder to make peace.

The largest monkey wrench thrown into the peace works was undoubtedly the United States National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) on Iranian nuclear weapons development. The NIE left foes smiling and friends on all sides in confusion. The NIE blew away any hopes of building a regional coalition against Iran. It removed the case for the imaginary impending attack on Iran conjured up by foes of the Bush administration, but it also killed the case for an urgent need for peace and unity among Middle East moderates. In Israel, it greatly weakened the case of the Olmert administration that concessions in the occupied territories were needed in order to gain U.S. support for confronting the very real strategic threat posed by Iran. Throughout the Middle East, the NIE bombshell and subsequent backtracking, hemming and hawing, destroyed any illusions that United States political and military leaders know what they are doing, have a coherent policy and speak with one voice. A Fatwa of the Ottoman ulema, apparently based on a hadith, states, "If there are two Caliphs, kill one of them." This extreme measure was wisely deemed to be better than the sort of anarchy that is gripping American policy. In the United States, it appears that there is more than one Caliph.

Israel released over 400 Palestinian prisoners as a confidence-building measure, but this could not inspire much confidence, since Israel arrests about 600 prisoners a month and is holding over 9000 Palestinian prisoners. Israeli intentions to expand the Har Homa project in Jerusalem could hardly inspire confidence on the Palestinian side that Israel is serious about peace. On the other hand, Secretary Rice's inept public reprimand of Israel on this issue, succeeded in making the Israeli government angry because of its confrontational tone, and didn't do anything to appease the Palestinians, who know that the reprimand is a pro-forma ritual. The illegal outposts, which Israel promised repeatedly to eliminate, have instead proliferated, and there is no sign of their removal. Instead, the government committee that was formed after the Sasson report to deal with the problem is not looking for ways to eliminate the outposts. Rather it is considering ways to continue funding the illegal outposts by passing legislation to circumvent the law. While Israeli officials were talking about making life easier for the Palestinians, the "facts on the ground" were telling a different story. South of Hebron, Palestinian Arabs and Israeli activists defied the IDF in order to plow fields of Palestinians that are beyond the security fence and therefore "off limits." In Bilin, activists continued to confront IDF soldiers and elicit violent responses over the location of the security fence, though the Israeli courts ruled that the fence must be moved. The fence may be needed to control terror, but nothing can explain why the Israeli government has done nothing to alleviate the needless hardship it causes.

At the same time, the possibility that Israel would make concessions in Jerusalem or elsewhere in the West Bank mobilized and united the forces of the naysayers, especially Jews living abroad. In the past dovish Jews in the United States claimed the right to determine Israeli policy and to push Israel into concessions it didn't want to make. Now it is the turn of the right wing Zionists to proclaim that there must be no concessions in Jerusalem, and that Israel must avoid peace conferences "like the plague." It seems that American Jews are all for democracy, as long as they can get to dictate to Israeli citizens what we ought to do.

On the other hand, the Palestinians, for their part, pretend that they don't know what the peace process is all about. They are still intent on the idea that the "peace process" is only about Palestinian Arab "rights" as they interpret them, and doesn't involve granting any rights to Jews at all. They seem to have forgotten that the conflict formally began when the Arab League and the Arabs of Palestine refused to accept UN General Assembly Resolution 181 sixty years ago. That resolution mandated the creation of an Arab state and a Jewish state in the territory of the Palestine Mandate. The Palestine Mandate itself, which the Arabs had not accepted, mandated the creation of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine. That home is the state of Israel. There can be no other resolution of the conflict than acceptance, in principle of the idea of two state for two people. Yet the Palestinian leadership insists, again and again, that it will never recognize Israel as the state of the Jewish people. The excuse given is that this would prejudice the rights of the Arab minority, but the rights of the Arab minority in Israel can in no way depend on what the Palestinian government recognize or do not recognize. If the refusal to recognize Israel as a Jewish state is symbolic and emotional, then it is a psychological barrier that must be overcome. If is a hint that the Palestinians will reserve for themselves the right to interfere in Israeli internal affairs, and to claim "rights" for Israel's Arabs in the same way as the German government once claimed "rights" for the Germans of the Sudetenland, then the Israeli government is quite right to insist on recognition of Israel as the state of the Jewish people, as attempts to change the status quo would not end well.

There are some signs that the West Bank is returning to a semblance of civilized order. On the other hand, the distribution of ammunition by Israel has resulted in a precipitous drop in the price of ammunition in the West Bank. The market doesn't lie - those bullets are obviously getting into the wrong hands.

The Annapolis proceedings also studiously ignored the number one obstacle to peace: the separate government of the Hamas in Gaza. It is not just an impediment to a future agreement on a peace solution, it is a threat to the Abbas government, and a source of continuing violence. Over 2000 Qassam missiles have been lobbed into Israel this year and there is no end in sight. Hamas has hinted at the desirability of a truce, but this would tie Israel's hands in the war against arms smuggling and undermine the Abbas government. Meanwhile Egypt and Saudi Arabia, while paying lip service to the legitimacy of the Abbas government, are promoting "unity" between Hamas and Fatah -- at the expense of the Fatah. Egypt is also allowing Hamas members to go to Iran for combat training and return to Gaza, as well as presiding over the proliferation of arms smuggling tunnels. All this under the supposedly watchful eyes of the United States. Looming over the entire peace process is the threat of a major IDF operation in Gaza. As the depopulation of Sderot continues and the rocket and mortar attacks are stepped up, it is increasingly hard for the Olmert government to explain why it is not taking decisive steps to defence Israeli citizens. The United States isn't really bothering to find a solution, the Egyptians are helping the Hamas.

The Fatah government in the West Bank cannot do very much, but what they did was worse than nothing. It created a situation with a built - in mechanically fatalistic inevitability. Palestinian Authority leaders announced that a large scale IDF operation in Gaza would put an end to the peace process. Nobody asked them to make this announcement - they they did it as their own bad-will gesture. Palestinian leadership apparently do not understand that most people in the Israeli government believe that Israel needs a Palestinian state like it needs a hole in the head. Putting an end to the peace process hurts the Palestinian cause much more than it hurts Israel.

In effect, this gives both the Hamas and Israeli hawks an absolute veto over the peace process. A massive Hamas attack would make decisive Israeli reaction inevitable. Hamas has every reason to launch such an attack if it will derail the peace process and force the Palestinian authority to accept unity on Hamas conditions. As for the Israelis, the situation in Sderot long since violated every possible red line. If Olmert's government is weak, one doesn't have to search far to find a major cause of the weakness. No government can expect to be really popular if it can't defend its people. No country can stand by forever while towns are depopulated by continuous rocket fire. At any time, if Israel decides it has no interest in making concessions, it could launch an attack that would stop the peace process, and claim that the situation had become "intolerable." . Of course, whatever you won't tolerate is "intolerable."

Increasing Hamas terror activity would end the peace process even without any Israeli intervention. The Israeli government would be caught between responding to Hamas, which would stop the "peace process" or succumbing to opposition pressure and holding elections. Elections in those circumstances would almost certainly empower a right-wing coalition that would offer peace on very different terms if at all.

Perhaps a determined US effort could get the sides together, but it doesn't seem likely. The Palestinians never trusted American policy. The handling of the NIE on Iran gave Israel to understand that there is no American policy to trust. Moreover, the actions of the Israeli and Palestinian leaders do not give much confidence that either side really wants peace.

Ami Isseroff

 

Original text copyright by the author and MidEastWeb for Coexistence, RA. Posted at MidEastWeb Middle East Web Log at http://www.mideastweb.org/log/archives/00000656.htm where your intelligent and constructive comments are welcome. Distributed by MEW Newslist. Subscribe by e-mail to mew-subscribe@yahoogroups.com. Please forward by email with this notice and link to and cite this article. Other uses by permission.

Joodse families weer welkom in Peki'in - op twee na

Leiders van het hoofdzakelijk door Druzen bewoonde dorp Peki'in in noord-Israël nodigen de verdreven Joodse inwoners uit om terug te keren, maar niet allemaal:

 

Peki'in local council head Muhammad Kheir called on the Jewish families that lived in the town to return, although he and other speakers noted that two Jewish families seen as provocateurs were not welcome to come back.

 

 

Het is niet acceptabel dat de Druzische leiders van het dorp bepalen wie er mogen wonen, en wie een herrieschopper is. Iedereen heeft recht om in het dorp te wonen, en als mensen de wet overtreden dienen zij daarvoor veroordeeld te worden door de rechter. De mensen die de Joodse families bedreigden zijn evenzeer onderdeel van het probleem als de Joodse 'provocateurs'. Er zijn duidelijk herrieschoppers aan beide kanten. In een rechtsstaat maken families niet onderling uit wie goed en fout is en waar mag wonen. De Israëlische politie heeft fouten gemaakt, maar daarvoor dienen geen privé personen of gezinnen te boeten.

 

Ratna

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Peki'in: Jews welcome back

About two months after violent riots that rocked Druze town, World Zionist Organization and Jewish Agency organize assembly to promote coexistence in Peki'in. Town leaders call on Jewish residents to return, emphasize that 'provocateurs' are not welcome

Ahiya Raved
Published:  12.14.07, 00:13 / Israel News
http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3482544,00.html

 

Leaders of the majority Druze Galilee town of Peki'in, which was the scene of ethnic tensions two months ago, declared Thursday night that Jewish residents were welcome to return to live in the town at an assembly organized the World Zionist Organization and the Jewish Agency.

 "We are calling on the Jews of Peki'in and all those who are interested to come back and live in Peki'in, however we will not agree to again take in provocateurs," the leaders said.

The speakers described the riots of October as an anomaly that would not have long-term consequences on Jewish-Druze relations in the Galilee or in Israel as a whole.

The assembly featured many members of Galilee municipal and regional councils as well as Zionist leaders such as Jewish Agency Chairman Ze'ev Bielski.

Leaders of the Druze community showed up in force. They brought up what they saw as the catalysts for the rioting.

Other speakers, primarily heads of Jewish municipalities, remarked that the events that took place in Peki'in were primarily the result of frustration brought on by discrimination, a lack of infrastructure, jobs and education.


'Troublemakers stay out'

Peki'in local council head Muhammad Kheir called on the Jewish families that lived in the town to return, although he and other speakers noted that two Jewish families seen as provocateurs were not welcome to come back.

 "It's as if someone comes into your home, goes into the living room, creates a mess and flips over the couch. (All the Jewish residents) were welcome and are still welcome except for those people."

Chairman Bielski spoke about the rioting and warned about taking democracy for granted: "Democracy is an invaluable gift but it has its limits. We also have criticism about police conduct, but when people attack a governmental body they need to act carefully.

"Today it is the police, tomorrow it is the court and later the military. In a democratic regime we don't raise our hand against the police even if it seems to us that the police presence is exaggerated."

The Jewish Agency has about 25 buildings that it has acquired through the years in Peki'in's center. The buildings are not suitable for habitation and the town leadership is requesting that the agency remodel them and allow them to be used as public buildings.

Nasrallah vervangen als hoofd van militaire tak Hezbollah

Volgens verlichte linkse intellectuelen, journalisten, vredesactivisten en zogenaamde 'Midden-Oosten specialisten', is Hezbollah een legitieme verzetsorganisatie en geen 'stroman' van Iran, door haar opgericht om tegen Israël te strijden en Libanon te destabiliseren. Waarom gaat Iran dan over wie de organisatie leidt en hoe dit gebeurt?

 

According to London-based newspaper al-Sharq al-Awsat, Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, has ordered Hizbullah Secretary-General Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah to hand over control of Hizbullha's military wing to deputy chief Sheikh Naim Qasim.

 

These reports, based upon "sources within the liaison and recruitment office of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards based in Lebanon," serve to confirm earlier reports in various media regarding this transfer of power from Nasrallah to Qasim.
 
Sources within the Revolutionary Guards operating in Lebanon, report that there have been marked differences of opinion between Nasrallah and Qasim as of late regarding key issues facing Hizbullha's military wing. This ultimately led Khamenei to restructure Hizbullah's chain of command, and transfer power to Qasim.

 

 

Klinkt niet erg naar een zelfstandige organisatie. Overigens heeft niet alleen Israël van Hezbollah te lijden, maar vooral ook Libanon zelf, waar de verkiezing van een president al acht keer is uitgesteld en twee dagen geleden een generaal van het Libanese leger (die de operatie tegen de extremistische Fatah al Islam in het Palestijnse vluchtelingenkamp Nahr el-Bared leidde) bij een bomaanslag is omgekomen. Hezbollah is de belangrijkste pro-Syrische groep in Libanon, die niet alleen langs politieke weg strijdt tegen de pro-Westerse krachten, al is nooit directe betrokkenheid bij de vele aanslagen op anti-Syrische politici en journalisten aangetoond.

 

 

Ratna

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Report: Nasrallah replaced as head of Hizbullah military wing
http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3482538,00.html

According to London-based newspaper al-Sharq al-Awsat, Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, has ordered Hizbullah Secretary-General Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah to hand over control of Hizbullha's military wing to deputy chief Sheikh Naim Qasim

Roee Nahmias
Published:  12.13.07, 23:31 / Israel News

Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei, has ordered Hizbullah Secretary-General Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah to relinquish control of Hizbullah's military wing to his deputy, Sheikh Naim Qasim, the London-based newspaper al-Sharq al-Awsat reported Thursday.
 
These reports, based upon "sources within the liaison and recruitment office of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards based in Lebanon," serve to confirm earlier reports in various media regarding this transfer of power from Nasrallah to Qasim.
 
Sources within the Revolutionary Guards operating in Lebanon, report that there have been marked differences of opinion between Nasrallah and Qasim as of late regarding key issues facing Hizbullha's military wing. This ultimately led Khamenei to restructure Hizbullah's chain of command, and transfer power to Qasim.

Nasrallah will continue to reign as Hizbullah secretary-general, as well as heading the organization's intelligence unit. Imad Mornia, Hizbullah's chief of operations, will continue to act as liaison between Hizbullah, the Palestinians, Iranian intelligence and the Revolutionary Guards.
 
Hizbullah was quick to deny these reports of turmoil facing its military wing. "These reports are utterly unfounded, groundless and lack all basis in objective fact," said Hizbullah sources.
 
"These reports of turmoil in Hizbullah's leadership stem from the world's distress at the support the organization enjoys, the lofty status that its leader Sheik Nasaralla enjoys within the Arab world, and the resolve that Hizbullah's warriors show in face of Israeli occupation."

Palestijns veiligheidsplan faalt in bestrijden gewapende milities

De Palestijnse politie en veiligheidsdiensten zijn tot nu toe niet erg effectief in het bestrijden van de gewapende milities, ondanks het feit dat er in totaal zo'n 70.000 mensen voor de verschillende diensten werken.

 

Another official said the security operation did not target militiamen belonging to Fatah's armed groups. "These gunmen are continuing to operate freely in the refugee camps near Nablus and Tulkarm," he told the Post. "We arrested citizens who stole olive oil three years ago or fired into the air during weddings two years ago."

 

 

Toch wil de Palestijnse Autoriteit het zogenaamde veiligheidsplan, volgens welk men de afgelopen weken in Nablus en Tulkarem heeft geopereerd, uitbreiden naar plaatsen als Jenin en Hebron en de vluchtelingenkampen, waar de Hamas, Islamitische Jihad en Al Aqsa Martelaren Brigades het sterkst zijn.

 

Als oorzaken voor het falen tot nu toe wordt in de eerste plaats naar de PA zelf gewezen, en het feit dat van een hervorming en reductie van de veiligheidsdiensten nog weinig terecht is gekomen. Gebrek aan discipline en corruptie, en de terughoudendheid of onwil om mensen te ontslaan uit angst hen in de armen van de Hamas en andere extremisten te drijven, spelen daarbij een rol.

 

Daarnaast wijst men op Israëlische reisbeperkingen en checkpoints als obstakel. Dit is ironisch, want die zorgen er juist voor dat, ondanks het slechte optreden van de Palestijnse politie en veiligheidsdiensten, toch geen aanslagen worden gepleegd. Het maakt de situatie uiteraard wel complexer, en de samenwerking tussen de Palestijnse politie en het Israëlische leger zou zeker beter kunnen.

 

Ratna

------------------

 

PA: Security plan lacking ahead of donors' meeting
Khaled Abu Toameh , THE JERUSALEM POST Dec. 13, 2007
www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1196847336410&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull

On the eve of the donors conference in Paris, which is expected to discuss ways of strengthening the Palestinian Authority, PA officials admitted Thursday that they still have a long way to go in reforming their security forces - a key condition set by the international community for funding the government of Prime Minister Salaam Fayad.

Meanwhile, PA Civil Police commander Gen. Kamal al-Sheikh revealed that more than 600 Fatah-affiliated policemen helped Hamas take control of the Gaza Strip last June.

"Out of 13,000 policemen in the Gaza Strip, only 612 participated in the Hamas coup against the Palestinian Authority," Sheikh said during a tour of Bethlehem.

Downplaying the significance of the move, he noted that this constituted only 1.8 percent of the entire police force.

This is the first time that a senior PA security official has spoken about the involvement of Fatah-affiliated policemen in the Hamas takeover of the Gaza Strip. Sheikh did not say what kind of role the rebellious policemen played during the coup, but pointed out that the PA leadership had dismissed them and was no longer paying them.

The PA, which is hoping to raise $5.6 billion over the next three years at Monday's donors conference, still hasn't made enough progress in imposing law and order in the West Bank, the PA officials conceded.

They told The Jerusalem Post that despite the lack of progress, they expected the 90 countries that were scheduled to participate in the conference to approve the PA's request.

According to the officials, the PA's US-backed security plan, which was launched in the last few weeks in Nablus and Tulkarm, had failed to achieve most of its goals, largely due to the incompetence of the PA security forces.

They also held Israel partially responsible for the failure, citing security checkpoints and travel restrictions as main reasons.

"The security operation has not been a big success," one official said. "We arrested many wanted criminals and members of the Islamic Hizb al-Tahrir party, but we weren't able to lay our hands on many weapons."

Another official said the security operation did not target militiamen belonging to Fatah's armed groups. "These gunmen are continuing to operate freely in the refugee camps near Nablus and Tulkarm," he told the Post. "We arrested citizens who stole olive oil three years ago or fired into the air during weddings two years ago."

In addition, the PA's efforts to reform the Fatah-controlled security forces in the West Bank continued to face major obstacles, the official said, citing a lack of discipline among the ranks of the Palestinian policemen.

"We still have many officers who are involved in various crimes and corruption," he said. "We are still far from talking about real reforms in the security establishment. In the coming days we will launch a similar security operation in Bethlehem. But the real test will be in Hebron and Jenin, as well as in the refugee camps, where Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Fatah militiamen call the shots."

The PA has also failed to make good on its pledge to cut by half the number of policemen serving in the various branches of its security forces, a number estimated at over 70,000. The PA is reluctant to fire large numbers of policemen for fear of driving them into the open arms of Hamas and other radical groups.

Fayad, who does not have control over the security forces, said Thursday he would ask donors at the December 17 conference to provide about $5.6b. in aid over three years to strengthen the PA economy. The aid will be used for budgetary support and development.

More than 70% of this sum, or $3.9b., is needed to cover operational expenses, including the salaries of more than 150,000 civil and security employees, Fayad told reporters in Ramallah.

"Substantial financial assistance is needed in order to ensure the continued operation of the PA," he said. "There is a great need."

Fayad said the government could not afford to absorb the large number of Palestinians entering the work force. "We will not be able to continue to function without this budgetary support," he said.

The PA, Fayad said, faced a budget deficit of $1.4b. next year. However, he expressed hope that the political situation would improve and Israel would ease travel restrictions in the West Bank, which would allow more and improved economic activity.

"For this improvement to be sustainable, it is vital that Israel remove movement restrictions on Palestinians, particularly its siege of Gaza, which has severely damaged the Palestinian economy and made life in the Gaza Strip unbearable," he said. "External assistance cannot and should not be an alternative to removal of these restrictions."

Burgemeester Sderot blijft aan op verzoek van Barak

Gisteren berichtten we dat de burgemeester van Sderot was afgetreden, maar op verzoek van minister van defensie Barak heeft hij besloten toch op zijn post te blijven. Het klinkt als een stunt om aandacht te vragen voor de Palestijnse Qassam raketten, maar op de radio zei hij al jaren te worstelen met zijn verantwoordelijkheid voor de burgers van een stad die continu onder vuur ligt:

"I cannot take the responsibility to manage a city that is under attack for seven years," he said. "If 20 children are killed tomorrow from a rocket, I will be asked, 'why did you open the kindergarten?' I have been deliberating matters pertaining to human life for years now, and I cannot continue," he said.

Moyal said later that "this is a decision I have been weighing for many years. A year ago I threatened to quit, and today I have reached a decision. For seven years no one has taken responsibility for what is happening here. It is unreasonable to start the morning with eight Qassams. I am not willing to take this responsibility. I was chosen to manage a city, and not this situation."

Maar waarom wil hij die verantwoordelijkheid dan wel weer nemen nadat Barak met hem heeft gepraat? Hij zei ook dat hij hoopte dat zijn ontslag tot een grootschalige operatie tegen de Qassams zal leiden. En misschien heeft Barak wat dit betreft concrete toezeggingen gedaan.

 

Ratna
----------------

Last update - 20:43 13/12/2007

Sderot mayor Eli Moyal rescinds resignation at Barak's request 

 

By Yuval Azoulay, Haaretz Correspondent and The Associated Press 
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/934335.html

 

Sderot Mayor Eli Moyal decided on Thursday to remain in his post after submitting his resignation the day before, according to sources close to him.

Moyal changed his mind at Defense Minister Ehud Barak's request. The two met Thursday evening.

Moyal announced he would step down after a barrage of at least 17 Qassam rockets struck the western Negev on Wednesday morning. He cited his inability to function as mayor in the difficult security situation as reason for his resignation. 

 Barak told Moyal that his responsibility and commitment to the people of Sderot takes precedence over every other consideration, and that replacing him at this time would not be possible. He also promised him that the defense establishment would make an effort to find a solution to the Qassam problem.

Before meeting with Barak, the mayor told Haaretz he was debating his next move. "If the Defense Minister tells me 'stay,' then from my end, that's like being called to reserve duty."

The announcement came soon after a Qassam rocket fired from the Gaza Strip struck the porch of a Sderot house on Thursday. A 40-year-old woman was moderately wounded from the impact of the strike, and taken to the Barzilai Medical Center in Ashkelon for treatment. Two other people suffered from shock.

In an interview with Israel Radio on Wednesday, Moyal blamed the government for an evasion of responsibility and helplessness against the threat from Gaza, saying he hoped his resignation would encourage a major military operation in the coastal territory.

"I cannot take the responsibility to manage a city that is under attack for seven years," he said. "If 20 children are killed tomorrow from a rocket, I will be asked, 'why did you open the kindergarten?' I have been deliberating matters pertaining to human life for years now, and I cannot continue," he said.

Moyal said later that "this is a decision I have been weighing for many years. A year ago I threatened to quit, and today I have reached a decision. For seven years no one has taken responsibility for what is happening here. It is unreasonable to start the morning with eight Qassams. I am not willing to take this responsibility. I was chosen to manage a city, and not this situation."

Incoming UN envoy denounces Qassam attack

The incoming UN Mideast envoy, Robert Serry, denounced Thursday's rocket attack in unusually strong terms after meeting with Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni. "Let me be clear about this: We consider that to be terrorist acts," he said.

Earlier Thursday, militants fired three Qassam rockets toward the western Negev. Only one of the rockets was located. No injuries or damages were reported in the incident.

Burgemeester van Sderot treedt af uit protest tegen Qassam raketten

Twintig Qassam raketten vielen er woensdag op Israël. Nadat de regering desondanks een grote operatie in de Gazastrook uitstelde, trad de burgemeester van Sderot - de meest getroffen Israëlische stad - af uit protest.

 

De Palestijnse raketten zijn zelden dodelijk, hoewel een paar maanden geleden bij een aanval wel ca. 70 soldaten gewond raakten. Geen enkel land accepteert dat haar steden dagelijks met raketten worden beschoten, ook al blijft het meestal bij materiële schade, en het feit dat de Palestijnen in de Gazastrook het nog veel zwaarder hebben is geen excuus.

 

Als Israël de grenzen open zou zetten zou dit niet tot vrede en welvaart leiden, maar tot nog meer wapensmokkel en meer aanslagen. Hamas maakt keer op keer duidelijk wat zij onder vrede verstaat: een wereld zonder Israël en zonder Zionisme.

Ongetwijfeld speelt Amerikaanse druk en het feit dat woensdag de eerste van twee-wekelijkse vredesbesprekingen tussen Israël en de Palestijnse Autoriteit plaatsvonden, een rol in het Israëlische besluit een grootscheepse invasie uit te stellen. De landen die van Israël vragen 'terughoudend' te zijn, zouden misschien ook eens met een realistisch alternatief kunnen komen, en om te beginnen Egypte onder druk zetten om wat aan de wapensmokkel te doen.

(Zie ook: Peace talks get 18 rocket salute)

 

Ratna
--------------

Sderot Mayor Eli Moyal resigns in protest of refusal of government to act against Kassams

Dr. Aaron Lerner  12 December 2007

Sderot Mayor Eli Moyal resigned in protest in the middle of a live interview broadcast on Israel Radio's noon news magazine today.

Moyal expressed his frustration over the refusal of the Olmert administration to take serious measures to stop the ongoing attacks of Kassams against his city.

As of now IDF operations have been limited to a depth of around a mile within the Gaza Strip.

Moyal resigned immediately after an Israel Radio correspondent reported that the Olmert Administration's defense cabinet decided that it was not the time to carry out a massive operation in the Gaza Strip to stop the Kassam attacks.

So far 20 rockets have been launched today.


--------------------------------------------
IMRA - Independent Media Review and Analysis
Website: www.imra.org.il

Israëlische roman gepubliceerd in Egypte

Het zou geen nieuws mogen zijn, maar is het helaas wel.

-------------------------------
 
Israeli novel published in Egypt
Eli Amir's novel 'Jasmine' will be the fourth Hebrew-language novel ever published in Egypt

Ynet Published: 12.11.07, 11:14 / Israel Culture
http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3481213,00.html

 

Israeli novelist Eli Amir's novel 'Jasmine' will soon be available to readers shopping in Egyptian bookstores. While many Hebrew-language novels are translated around the world, rarely does an Israeli author get to see his work translated into Arabic and published in an Arab country.

In the introduction to the Arabic version, translator Hussein al-Sarag, deputy editor-in-chief of 'October' magazine, wonders why only three Israeli novels have been published in Egypt so far.

Al-Sarag also quotes Eli Amir's statements from a literary conference in Cairo: "After the peace agreement with Egypt was signed, many Egyptian authors were translated into Hebrew. We, Israelis, do not fear the spread of Arab culture in Israel. I wish the same would be true for you. How can there be peace without us knowing each other?"

'Jasmine,' which was released by Am Oved in 2005, is the love story of a Jewish immigrant from Iraq and Yasmin (Jasmine), a young Palestinian widow, in Jerusalem after the Six Day War.

Hamas kinderprogramma: bevrijd Al Aqsa Moskee met geweld, en dood alle Zionisten!

Dit is nog eens wat anders dan Sesamstraat of de Teletubbies:

 

Girl: "To Al-Aqsa, to Al-Aqsa – we shall unite our ranks. We will wipe out the people of Zion, and will not leave a single one of them."

 

Boy: "Will it be through conferences? No, not through conferences, but by means of force, because the Zionist entity, your enemy, the enemy of Allah, the enemy of Islam, knows nothing but injustice and the killing of Palestinians, the persevering people on the frontline. Indeed, the [mosque] will be returned only by means of force."

 

Jong geleerd, oud gedaan.

Hoe kan het toch dat zoveel mensen blijven beweren dat Hamas een redelijke partij is die bij het vredesproces betrokkken moet worden?

 

 

Ratna

------------

To view this Special Dispatch in HTML, visit:
http://www.memri.org/bin/opener_latest.cgi?ID=SD178307

The following are excerpts from a children's show which aired on Hamas Al-Aqsa TV on December 3, 2007.


Boy: "My beloved brothers, as you know, today the Al-Aqsa Mosque is crying out: 'Where are the people of the frontline, the Palestinian people?' Yes, my dear brothers, that is the Al-Aqsa Mosque. The subject of our lesson today is Jerusalem, to where your Prophet made his nocturnal journey – the Al-Aqsa Mosque.

"Yes, my beloved brothers, as you know today, and as you knew yesterday and the day before, the Al-Aqsa Mosque has fallen into oppressing and malicious hands, the hands of those who know nothing but injustice. But let me tell you how the Al-Aqsa Mosque will be returned, how we shall rescue it from the shackles of the occupation, from the shackles of the Zionist entity.

"Will it be through conferences? No, not through conferences, but by means of force, because the Zionist entity, your enemy, the enemy of Allah, the enemy of Islam, knows nothing but injustice and the killing of Palestinians, the persevering people on the frontline. Indeed, the [mosque] will be returned only by means of force.

"In 1917, the Balfour Declaration was issued. Balfour decided on the cleansing of the Al-Aqsa Mosque. But look what the Zionist enemy has done, look what Israel and America have done. Look what the allies of Israel and America have done. They have dug tunnels underneath the Al-Aqsa Mosque, but the sheikhs and mujahideen of the Al-Aqsa Mosque have exposed these tunnels and called upon the Palestinian people: 'Look what has happened, look what has happened.'

"These calls have gone unheeded, my beloved brothers. But is it too late? No, it is not too late. If we all unite, the Al-Aqsa Mosque will not remain in the hands of the Zionist enemy, it will not remain in the hands of your enemy, despite all their conspiracies against the Palestinian people."

[...]

Girl: "To Al-Aqsa, to Al-Aqsa – we shall unite our ranks. We will wipe out the people of Zion, and will not leave a single one of them."


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