zaterdag 27 juni 2009

Mizrahi Joden als vergeten vluchtelingen

 
Israel Bonan is een Amerikaanse Jood van Egyptische afkomst, die ik heb leren kennen als een bedachtzame en intelligente man. In onderstaand opiniestuk reageert hij op een andere Sefardische (Mizrahi) Jood, over de kwestie van de verdrijving van Joden uit de Arabische wereld die vooral na de oprichting van Israël hun land verlieten. Anders dan de Palestijnse vluchtelingen willen velen van hen zich niet als slachtoffer definiëren en wijzen het etiket 'vluchteling' af. Dat maakt het makkelijker voor antizionisten en andere Arabische apologeten om te beweren dat zij ofwel vrijwillig vertrokken ofwel direct of indirect door Israëls toedoen werden verjaagd uit wat voorheen een paradijs van vreedzame en harmonieuze co-existentie zou zijn geweest.
 
Wouter
________________
 
 
Please post comments at the Web Log:
 

I would like to respond to "Why Jews left Arab Lands" a Progressive Sephardic view by David Shasha.

Allow me to briefly introduce myself. My name is Israel Bonan, I am a Mizrahi Jew. I was born in Cairo, Egypt in the mid 1940s. I was expelled from Egypt in 1967, and left with a torn shirt on my back, and a pair of mangled glasses, broken intentionally, on my face, and with very little else.

I am considered by any descriptive measure, a bona fide "refugee", a designation echoed by the United Nation High Commissioner of Refugees UNHCR, on behalf of the more than 800,000 displaced Mizrahi Jews fleeing the Arab countries (expressed twice, in 1957 and subsequently in 1967). I currently reside in the Boston area in the US.

I have been familiar with Mr. Shasha's views for quite sometimes now, and I find it disquieting that his positions, which run contrary to the factual history of the era and the conventional wisdom of the Mizrahi community, or as he prefers to call us "the Arab Jews", are taken as representative, when they are not.

It never ceases to amaze me, that Mr. Shasha who likes to refer to himself as an Arab Jew, though born in the US, has such a meager understanding, of the history of the era and about what constitutes a refugee or to dwell with any depth about their lot. Be that as it may.

I find that Mr. Shasha's logic and the common thread in his writings, have always consisted of three major assertions; making his discourse monotonously predictable and invariably repetitive.

One, life was always rosy for the Jews living in Arab lands and Israel's creation, as a cataclysmic watershed event, is the only cause for disrupting such an idyllic life.

Two, Israel as a product of an Ashkenazi culture, that is European by nature, has always suppressed, repressed and maligned the Mizrahi community and treated them as second class citizens; though they do represent, according to Shasha, the most effective group to undertake any peace initiative and dialog with the Arabs, having shared their culture, albeit without the author postulating any specific ideas as to the who, the why, the what, the when or for that matter, the how.

Finally, and he shares that notion with his counterpart (and much quoted resource in his writings) Professor Yehuda Shenhav; that it is unconscionable nay, immoral, to compare the plight of the Mizrahi Jews with that of the Palestinian Refugees.

Once again in the cited article, he did not disappoint, neither did he deviate from his usual template, but merely continued his revisionist approach to the Mizrahi historical narrative.

Extremism by its very nature does not allow for a tempered view of events or for cogent reflective analysis. The end result is always black or white; so regardless of how carefully and temperately Mr. Shasha seems to preface his views, the end result is always the same … black or white, all or nothing.

It is strange to note that in Mr. Shasha's attempt at historical fairness and balance, he used the following 26 words, in an article of more than 3300 words: :

Some arrived of their own free will; others arrived against their will. Some lived comfortably and securely in Arab lands; others suffered from fear and oppression.

That was the extent of defining what really happened to the Mizrahi Jews in an article titled: "Why the Jews left Arab lands," and you know what, Mr. Shasha is right!! Now if we can only take those 26 words and flesh them out a bit more with the historical facts of the matter, we get a totally different unfolding narrative that is not steeped in demonizing a country or a refugee class, or in cataclysmically defining some watershed events while glossing over others.

I took pains to chronicle my own personal Exodus ordeal, in "A Personal Exodus Story" after more than 35 years of silence. Shasha wrote:

It is curious that in a world that has largely ignored the voices of Arab Jews, the few we hear are filled with anger, resentment and hostility toward Arabs.

I invite Mr. Shasha to read it and to tell me, how much hate he can attribute to me vis-à-vis my Egyptian tormentors or Arabs in general, after reading it. By my accounting, none; yet I will let him be the judge. It is not hate, nor rancor or anger that motivates us to speak out as the "Forgotten Refugees". It is done out of fairness not retribution, it is about justice after having our human rights trampled upon and above all to record our own history that should not be denied us.

In a co-authored article with Dr. Rami Mangoubi titled: "Zionism for the ages", we rebutted the first two of Shasha's stated positions and in my article titled: "The Banana Jews" I took Professor Shenhav to task in rebuttal to his article "Hitching a ride on the magic carpet" about the third topic you both share.

In a nutshell, and again I happen to agree with Mr. Shasha, the Jews of Egypt participated fully and in greater proportion to their numbers in all aspects of life in Egypt; they more than made their mark on the cultural and economic landscape of the country. Where we disagreed with David Shasha, is that he chose the watershed event of the creation of the State of Israel as the turning point without which life in Egypt (and ergo the rest of the Arab countries) would have remained idyllic.

Idyllic indeed, when law after law (as far back as 1869), before even Zionism was spoken of, was enacted to limit access to citizenship for the Jews of Egypt in the country of our birth, through successive Nationality decrees and laws (of 1929).

>> Continued here: The Mizrahi Jews: The Forgotten Refugees


Original content is Copyright by the author 2009. Posted at ZioNation-Zionism and Israel Web Log, http://www.zionism-israel.com/log/archives/00000702.html where your intelligent and constructive comments are welcome. Disributed by ZNN list. Subscribe by sending a message to ZNN-subscribe@yahoogroups.com. Please forward by e-mail with this notice, cite this article and link to it. Other uses by permission only.

 

In 'terreurcompetitie' met Hamas pocht Fatah over lynchen Israelische soldaten in 2000

 
Het is, zoals vaker gezegd, een wonder dat dergelijke opruiing en verheerlijking van geweld tegen Israel niet leidt tot meer (pogingen tot) aanslagen. Het is ook zeer verwonderlijk dat er zo weinig kritiek uit westerse kringen te horen is op deze praktijken. Waarom wordt dit niet in harde bewoordingen veroordeeld, net zoals Israelisch geweld en nederzettingen? Bevorderlijk voor vrede is het allerminst. Pas wanneer beide kanten de ander als mensen van vlees en bloed gaan zien, met legitieme grieven en aspiraties en een band met het land, heeft vrede een kans. Maar terwijl Lieberman hard wordt aangevallen op zijn anti-Arabische uitspraken, blijft het stil wat betreft deze opruiing aan Palestijnse kant.
 
RP
--------------------
 
Bulletin
June 25, 2009
Palestinian Media Watch
Fatah boasts about lynch murder
of two Israeli soldiers in 2000

by Itamar Marcus and Barbara Crook 

 

As PMW reported earlier this week, PA (Fatah) TV marked the second anniversary of the Hamas takeover of Gaza by broadcasting a public Fatah event that focuses on vilifying Hamas. One part of this performance features a graphic video of Hamas members brutally beating a Fatah member in Gaza.

Another part criticizes and mocks Hamas for the decrease in its terror operations against Israel, glorifies Fatah terror, and ends with Fatah boasting that they "arrested two soldiers in Ramallah," a reference to the October 2000 lynching of two Israeli reservists.
 
In this scene actors portray a Hamas teacher and student supporters of Fatah and Hamas, debating which movement is greater. Significantly, the competition between Fatah and Hamas supporters is based not on who has built more Palestinian infrastructures, nor on who has promoted peace, but rather on who can take credit for more terror.
 
The debate ends when a Fatah student trumps Hamas's boast of having kidnapped Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit by mentioning the "arrest of two Israeli soldiers in Ramallah" by the PA-Fatah. This alludes to the lynching and gruesome murder of two Israeli reservist soldiers who accidentally entered the Palestinian Authority-controlled city in October 2000. While the picture of a Palestinian celebrating the killing by waving his bloody hands to the mob horrified the world, the murder remains a source of pride for Fatah.
 
[Note: Seated in the front row at the event are Fatah leaders, including Muhammad Dahlan, former head of PA security; Kadura Faras, head of the PA Prisoners' Association; Nasser Al-Qidwa, former PA Minister of Foreign Affairs;  Samir Al-Mashharawi, senior Fatah official; and others.]
 
Click here to view the "terror competition" between Fatah and Hamas  

The following is a transcript of the act:

 
Fatah student taunts Hamas:  "Since Hamas seized power, we haven't heard of any Martyrdom operation [suicide-bombing]."
Hamas teacher:  "It's called 'fighter's rest'."
Fatah student:    "A Hamas fighter needs rest, but a Fatah fighter doesn't need rest?!"
Hamas teacher:   "Every fighter has the right to rest."
Fatah student:      "Why is it that when Fatah stops fighting, you [Hamas] say they're cowards, but when Hamas stops fighting, you say it's 'fighters' rest'?"
Hamas teacher: "I don't know much about resistance [terror] and fighters..."
Fatah student:   "The first shot was fired by the PLO; the first Jihad was carried out by the PLO [audience applauds], with all the other factions - but Hamas always opposed.
Hamas student:   "What do you say about Hamas having kidnapped the [Israeli] soldier Shalit [still held hostage - Ed.]?"
Hamas teacher: "Ahaaa!"
Student: "By Allah, it's good."
Hamas student: "Did Fatah ever capture a soldier?!"
Fatah student: "It was the [other] brigades who captured him [Shalit] and sold him to you [Hamas]. It's a deal that you [Hamas] made for your own benefit, not for the [Palestinian] people's benefit.   [Applause]
Fatah student:    Remember, in Ramallah the [PA-Fatah] police arrested two soldiers - have you forgotten, teacher?!" [A reference to the lynching in Ramallah in October 2000- Ed.]

[PATV June 17, 2009]

 

p:+972 2 625 4140  /  e: pmw@pmw.org.il

f: +972 2 624 2803  /  w: www.pmw.org.il

PMW | King George 59 | Jerusalem | Israel

vrijdag 26 juni 2009

Zogenaamde vrienden van Israel

 
The best pro-Palestinian propaganda has been supplied by over-zealous and injudicious Israel advocates. Articles and blogs that are disrespectful and racist, insist that Barack Obama's policy is "silly" or worse, that he is a Muslim practicing Taqiyya and as bad as Ahmadinejad, posters of Obama with a Kaffiyeh, calls to assassinate Mahmoud Abbas. All these serve the enemies of Israel well and are amplified and rebroadcast many times by all the usual culprits.
 
Aldus Ami Isseroff in onderstaande blog. Ook ik erger me geregeld aan de soms extreme stellingnames in artikelen van mensen die zich als sympathisanten van Israel opwerpen. Men omarmt Wilders, noemt ieder gematigd geluid 'appeasement', en waarschuwt continu voor het gevaar van de islam. Wat heeft dat met Israel en het zionisme te maken? Deze mensen leveren de beste munitie aan de vijanden van Israel. Zij helpen hen om zionisme gelijk te stellen aan racisme, agressie en expansionisme.
 
RP
-----------------------

 
Israelis and supporters of Israel are angry over Barack Obama's treatment of Israel. A poll shows that only 6% of Jewish Israelis think that Obama is pro-Israel, about 50% think he is pro-Palestinian, and 36% think he is neutral.

Despite Obama's talk about the "unbreakable bond" between Israel and the United States, it appears to Israelis that he and his administration are going out of their way to snub Israel and to isolate Israel as an "obstacle to peace." Obama did not stop in Israel on his recent trip to the Middle East. Obama administration policies seem to exert pressure unilaterally on Israel. The administration offers no solution to the problem of Hamas domination in Gaza other than encouraging Palestinian unity and pressuring Israel to reward Hamas by opening Gaza to importation of cement and other materials that will allow them to rebuild their underground bunkers. Obama did not ask Palestinians to give up their demands for right of return, nor did he confront their refusal to recognize the right of the Jewish people to self determination. Obama did not even try to bring off the symbolic gesture of getting Red Cross visitation rights for kidnapped soldier Gilead Schalit, let alone getting him freed.

All the pressure is on Israel, and it is exerted in often ugly and in-your-face ways by administration officials, especially the supposedly pro-Israel Hillary Clinton. If Barack Obama is trying to project an image of "even handedness" in order to win over Muslim and Arab opinion, he certainly succeeded in Israel. Whether or not he succeeded in the Arab and Muslim worlds remains to be seen. Is it likely Muslims will forgive American bombing of civilians in Afghanistan if Israel implements a settlement freeze, or that al-Qaeda will approve of democracy, gay marriage, teaching of evolution and Bikinis if Israel gives up Jerusalem?

The Israeli government has done its best to minimize the rift, because it understands the full and ominous implications of a break with the United States. The rift is exaggerated by media that are not too sympathetic to Israel and always eager to report a fight. It is exploited by anti-Zionists. But those who are contributing most to the problem, needlessly, are certain self-appointed Israel advocates. Israelis and their Zionist supporters abroad are angry. But being angry does not justify losing your cool, being rude, or stooping to racist ad hominem attacks. That sort of performance should be left to people like Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hassan Nasrallah.

Palestinians and their supporters have always been anxious to drive a wedge between Israel and the United States, and they are exploiting the current rift in an effort to break the "unbreakable" bond. It is working. About 49% of American voters call themselves pro-Israel, down from 69% last September, according to a poll. A lot of this lost of popularity is regrettably due to supporters of Israel who have lost their cool, and to advocacy or 'Hasbara,' that hurts.

The best pro-Palestinian propaganda has been supplied by over-zealous and injudicious Israel advocates. Articles and blogs that are disrespectful and racist, insist that Barack Obama's policy is "silly" or worse, that he is a Muslim practicing Taqiyya and as bad as Ahmadinejad, posters of Obama with a Kaffiyeh, calls to assassinate Mahmoud Abbas. All these serve the enemies of Israel well and are amplified and rebroadcast many times by all the usual culprits. What possible purpose could be served by all this vile, vicious, hysterical, baseless racist ranting? Will that convince America or the world that Israelis and Zionists are reasonable and peaceful people, friends of America? The piece de resistance was created by anti-Zionist Jews who filmed drunken, ignorant, American Jewish students in a Jerusalem bar, cussing out Obama and Arabs, insisting that Obama is ineligible to be president. The "expert" who offered this opinion did not know who Benjamin Netanyahu is.
 


Original content is Copyright by the author 2009. Posted at ZioNation-Zionism and Israel Web Log, http://www.zionism-israel.com/log/archives/00000701.html where your intelligent and constructive comments are welcome. Disributed by ZNN list. Subscribe by sending a message to ZNN-subscribe@yahoogroups.com. Please forward by e-mail with this notice, cite this article and link to it. Other uses by permission only.

 

Nog maar 10 bemande checkpoints binnen Westoever


Dit artikel toont aan dat veel van wat over de Westoever wordt geschreven simpelweg onzin is. Uit onderdachte bron - Haaretz- wordt gemeld dat er slechts 10 bemande checkpoints over zijn op de Westoever, en de controles daar nauwelijks nog vertraging voor de Palestijnen opleveren. Juist onder de veel verguisde regering Netanjahoe zijn de checkpoints in versneld tempo verwijderd, om zo het dagelijkse leven van de Palestijnen te verbeteren. Natuurlijk speelt druk van de VS hierin een rol, maar ook de verbeterde veiligheidssituatie waardoor minder strikte controles nodig zijn. Tot nu toe vertaalt de onvrede van de Palestijnen met bijvoorbeeld de speech van Natanjahoe - waarbij nota bene PA onderhandelaar Erekat met een derde intifada dreigde - zich niet in meer (pogingen tot) aanslagen. De opruiende retoriek in door de PA gecontroleerde media en tijdens vrijdag gebeden heeft evenmin tot een hernieuwde geweldsgolf geleid. De PA speelt wat dat betreft echter wel met vuur, want een flinke 'gelukte' aanslag en de checkpoints zijn er weer.

RP
----------------

Last update - 22:44 24/06/2009
Israel removes dozens of West Bank roadblocks
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1095231.html
By Amos Harel and Avi Issacharoff

 
Recent weeks have seen a dramatic change in Israel's roadblock policy in the West Bank. Right under the nose of the right-wing government of Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israel Defense Forces has lifted some of the main, permanent roadblocks in the West Bank, which have played a central role in restricting the movement of Palestinians, mostly between the main Palestinian cities.

The decision of the defense establishment to ease Palestinian travel very much reflects the steps the Palestinian Authority security forces have taken against the Hamas and Islamic Jihad terrorist infrastructure in the West Bank. American pressure and demands the Palestinians be allowed to move freely in areas where there is no security risk are also a factor.

Currently, there are only 10 manned roadblocks within the West Bank (excluding those linking the territories with Israel), and searches are not carried out at every one of them. A year and a half ago, there were 35 manned roadblocks in operation.

Moreover, the defense establishment has allowed several hundred Palestinian businessmen, holders of BMC (Businessman Card) permits, free access to Israel. However, the UN's Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs says its data shows there are 630 different obstacles and roadblocks in place throughout the West Bank.

A week ago the DCO roadblock (set up by the Civil Administration) was removed from the way heading into Jericho from the south. This gives the city's residents free access to all parts of the West Bank. The lifting of the roadblock to Jericho also allows access to the city to Israelis who might want to visit the casino there.

Twenty days ago the DCO roadblock to the eastern entrance to Qalqiliyah was removed, and the Einav roadblock east of Tul Karm was also lifted. In its place there are soldiers but they do not check Palestinian vehicles but only cars with Israeli license plates to prevent Israeli citizens from entering Palestinian towns.

At the roadblock of Shavei Shomron, on the exit from Jenin to Nablus, checks on Palestinian vehicles are no longer being carried out.

In essence, Palestinians from the main cities can now travel in the northern West Bank without any security checks.

The roadblocks surrounding Nablus, a city that had been under complete siege, have now all been lifted. Several months ago the roadblocks to the west and east of the city were dismantled, and two weeks ago the northern and southern roadblocks were also lifted.

Soldiers where the Nablus roadblocks stood prevent cars with Israelis from entering the city during the week, but Israeli Arabs are allowed into the city on Friday and Saturday.

The soldiers are also under orders to carry our random checks of Palestinian vehicles.

On a trip to Ramallah, Palestinians will be checked at the Za'atra roadblock, which is south of Hawara, but Palestinian eyewitnesses said there are no delays. This is the only roadblock in the northern West Bank where checks of Palestinian vehicles are still being carried out. On average, a trip between Ramallah to Jenin takes 90 minutes, while several months ago it took hours.

Last week the Aatra (Bir Zeit) roadblock north of Ramallah was lifted. Between Ramallah and the southern West Bank, Hebron and Bethlehem, the Jaba roadblock is still in operation at the Adam-La Ram junction. Palestinians told Haaretz there are still random checks on cars, but Israeli security sources said only Israeli vehicles are subjected to checks to avoid accidental entry of Israeli citizens into unauthorized Palestinian areas.

Haaretz was told "the matter will be taken care of" by security sources.

The Wadi Nar roadblock, located northeast of Bethlehem, remains manned, and random checks of vehicles are carried out. Residents of Hebron, in the southern West Bank, wishing to travel north to Jenin, will be stopped at two roadblocks for random checks, and the delays are not long.

The decision to lift the roadblocks was made by the commander of the Judean and Samaria Division, Brigadier General Noam Tivon, along with Brigadier General Yoav Mordechai, commander of the Civial Administration. Mordechai and Tivon will meet with their Palestinian counterparts today at the PA's headquarters in Bethlehem.

The dismantling of the roadblocks may have begun under while Ehud Olmert was prime minister, but the pace was significantly slower than it is today. The World Bank, the international community and the Americans demanded that Israel take substantive action to improve the lot of the Palestinians in the West Bank.

The World Bank stressed in each of its recent reports that only a substantive change in the roadblock situation and easing of restrictions on movement between Palestinian cities would enable economic growth in the PA.

The lifting of the roadblocks is being done with the authorization of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Ehud Barak, the Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazi and with the blessing of the Shin Bet.

On a number of occasions Netanyahu has said that he is in a position to take action to improve the day-to-day life of Palestinians in the West Bank in a way that would significantly better the economic conditions in the area.

Both Netanyahu and Barak believe that ultimately they will have no choice but to evacuate the outposts in line with American demands. While that evacuation will be met by reaction from the right wing, lifting roadblocks does not bear a significant domestic political price if there are no terrorist attacks as a result of the easing of restrictions.

Moreover, the good relations between Netanyahu and Barak has enabled the prime minister to rally the defense minister in support of removing roadblocks, while the bad blood between Olmert and Barak blocked progress on the issue.

The latest easing of travel for the Palestinians allows Israel to claim it is meeting its promises to lift restrictions and is contributing to the bettering of the Palestinian economy.

An Israeli security source told Haaretz that "the improved security situation in the West Bank permitted the lifting of the roadblocks. "When there is law and order, [and] there are no armed [Palestinians] in the streets and efforts are made to prevent terrorism, then there is no need for roadblocks," said the source.

Fatah en Hamas arresteren over en weer elkaars leden

 
Fatah en Hamas arresteren nog steeds over en weer elkaars leden, waarbij moeilijk uit te maken is of het om reële wetsovertredingen gaat of om elkaar dwars te zitten. Die vraag heeft ook iets academisch: als Hamas de persvrijheid in Gaza beknot is een krantenredactie al snel in overtreding, en voor Israel en veel Westerse landen die de PA steunen en waarmee ze samenwerkt is Hamas een verboden terroristische organisatie; de PA zou terrorisme bestrijden, en als Hamaslid ben je daaraan al snel op de één of andere manier medeplichtig.
 
Wouter
________________

Factional arrests dim unity prospects
Date: 24 / 06 / 2009  Time:  14:25
www.maannews.net/en/index.php?opr=ShowDetails&ID=38778

 
Nablus - Ma'an - Prospects for unity dimmed further Wednesday as PA forces detained the Hamas-affiliated deputy mayor of Nablus and 40 more party affiliates during raids in the West Bank, while de facto government forces shut down another newspaper in the Gaza Strip and detained its chief editor.

The factional arrests follow the announcement of Hamas members that they would not longer participate in the committee charged by Egypt to sort out conciliation matters including that of politically motivated arrests.

Eyewitnesses in Nablus said several officers with the Palestinian Authority (PA)'s general Palestinian intelligence forces stormed the municipal council offices and detained Deputy Mayor of Nablus Dr Hafith Shahin. Local sources said he was transferred to the Juneid detention center in Nablus, though security officials refused to confirm or deny the story, or comment on the arrest in any way.

Shahin, along with his son, was detained on 28 July 2008 by Palestinian Authority (PA) forces, and was held for two days.

The Hamas movement in the West Bank released a statement Wednesday accusing PA forces of detaining more than 100 members of the movement over the past 24-hours, while simultaneously denying that Hamas security forces detain people for political reasons.

Hamas published 40 names of the movements supporters allegedly detained by the PA security services overnight Tuesday, adding them to a list of 64 released Tuesday afternoon.

The frenzy of arrests came two days after the PA announced it would start releasing jailed Hamas supporters excluding those who represent a threat to public security. On Friday the PA released 20 Hamas members in the West Bank, which Hamas called "meaningless."

De facto government arrests

Tuesday night de facto government forces shut down the offices of the As-Subeh (The Morning) newspaper and detained its Chief Editor Sari Al-Qudweh in an evening raid.

The Palestinian journalists' union condemned the detention in a Wednesday statement saying the home and office of Al-Qudweh were raided, and his papers and computer confiscated before the editor was detained.

The union called on all media and rights institutions to intervene and demand the immediate release of Al-Qudweh.

Journalists should not be the target of political conflicts, the union's statement said, and reminded the governments in the West Bank and Gaza that Al-Qudweh is not the only journalist who has been targeted in recent months.

While calling for the release of Al-Qudweh and the re-opening of As-Subeh in Gaza, the union also called on caretaker government officials in Ramallah to make sure the local newspapers "Palestine" and "Ar-Risala" (The letter) were also permitted to start circulating their publications in the West Bank.

Gaza detainees imprisoned for "criminal reasons"

A delegation from the international Red Cross visited on Wednesday detainees held by the de facto government's Internal Security forces in the Gaza Strip. Following the visit, Hamas declared that all detainees in the Strip were held for criminal charges, and no one was held for political affiliation.

The issue of politically-motivated arrests is a major point of contention between Hamas and Fatah, which dominates the PA in the West Bank. The arrests could threaten talks [about] a Hamas-Fatah unity deal, which are scheduled to resume ahead of a 7 July deadline set by the mediating party, Egypt.


***Updated 15:26 Bethlehem time

donderdag 25 juni 2009

MO deskundigen over de oproer in Iran

 
With the wounds of Israel's war on Gaza still open, many Arabs are particularly stunned that the indifference with which Palestinians deaths were received has turned into an international solidarity campaign for Iranians throwing rocks at their oppressors and shouting "we have become Palestine."
 
Het is natuurlijk juist heel opvallend dat in tegenstelling tot Israelisch geweld, het Iraanse geweld tegen de eigen bevolking zo weinig emoties en woede onder Arabieren en moslims lijkt op te roepen. Dat Arabische regimes niet happig zijn op onrust, en daarom een afwachtende houding aannemen tegenover de situatie in Iran is begrijpelijk, maar waarom gaan Arabieren niet de straat op uit solidariteit met hun islamitische broeders in Iran? De Iraanse bevolking is helaas niet 'Palestina' geworden; was dat het geval, dan konden zij op de steun van de Arabische massa's wereldwijd rekenen.
 
RP
-------------

June 23, 2009, 3:22 pm

The Arab World Reacts (or Doesn't)

http://roomfordebate.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/06/23/the-arab-world-reacts-or-doesnt/
 
 
President Obama on Tuesday denounced the Iranian government's crackdown on protesters, saying that the rest of the world is "appalled and outraged." That view is shared by many in the Middle East, though reaction throughout the region is varied, ranging from silence from Hezbollah and the Palestinians to frustration that the United States has not been more vocal in its support of the Iranian protesters.

We asked some Middle East experts for their thoughts on the regional reaction.


Insult to Injury

Rime Allaf, a Syrian writer, is an international consultant and an associate fellow at Chatham House in London. She blogs at Mosaics.

It has practically become the norm for Arab people and the regimes that rule over them to have different reactions to big events happening in the region. This is also the case with Iran, but in very different ways.

For the most part, unelected regimes first watched, with unmistakable satisfaction, the self-claimed righteousness of their hated rival disintegrate in full view of their people and the world. Having always branded itself as being more democratic, popular and especially more legitimate than any Arab regime could ever be, the founders of the Islamic Republic were now openly challenged and exposed as frauds.

Arabs are subdued in their reactions to Iranian's turmoil, wondering why their own struggles have been ignored by the West.

This schadenfreude comes to a tentative halt, however, with the regimes' collective allergy to popular movements demanding freedom, especially peaceful ones in which every move and every cry is instantly transmitted in this era of digital communication. In each Arab country, people and regimes are surely wondering: Could this happen here? Is the courage of these young Iranians an incentive to follow, or does the Islamic regime's repression curb enthusiasm for freedom?

Images like the distressing video immortalizing Neda Agha-Soltan as she lay dying in Tehran, inexplicably murdered, have also triggered conflicting emotions and sad questions on whether she died in vain. With so many people not actively espousing the position of any side, reluctant to shake a status quo, which, for all its problems, remains safer than the alternatives seen from Iraq to Afghanistan, the burden of experience is heavy. Dissent of any kind — even mild civil disobedience — has been brutally repressed throughout the Arab world replete with its own religious rulings, kangaroo courts and sham elections.

To add insult to injury, not only has people's self-determination never received the backing of the international community, it has also been suppressed with the blessing of the world's superpowers, eager to keep friendly regimes in power.

This is perhaps why Arab reactions to Iranians' turmoil have been somewhat subdued. If the Iranians are so strongly supported in their quest for freedom, they wonder, why have Arabs' own struggles been ignored, their own suffering been dismissed and their own Nedas been nameless? Why were Arabs' own cries invoking God incessantly reported, in English, as calls to "Allah" in a perceived attempt to further alienate them, as if they believed in a different god, while Iranian cries of "Allahu akbar" have been correctly translated as "God is great" and repeated in unison by twitterers around the world?

With the wounds of Israel's war on Gaza still open, many Arabs are particularly stunned that the indifference with which Palestinians deaths were received has turned into an international solidarity campaign for Iranians throwing rocks at their oppressors and shouting "we have become Palestine."

For all the similarities joining the fate of Arab and Iranian people, the general occidental approach, including by mainstream news media and now by social media outlets, has been to differentiate between them. But if anyone can empathize with Iran's frustrated youth, it is those who continue to live nearby with broken dreams, stifled by oppressive regimes that, with minor exceptions, need not worry about international condemnation. While the Arab and Iranian people continue to share aspirations, some regimes remain more equal than others.


Palestinians Know Nothing Will Change

Ronen Bergman, a correspondent for Yedioth Ahronoth, an Israeli daily, is the author of "The Secret War With Iran."

In Tehran the earth is shaking, but in the Arab world there has been no public official response to the post-elections riots. Bernard Lewis, the renowned orientalist, told me on Monday that this is because Arab governments are concerned about backing the wrong horse.

By contrast, debate is lively in the Arab media and on Arab-language Web sites. But there is one exception: the Palestinians seem almost indifferent to what is going on in Iran. This may seem surprising. After all, the Iranian regime is a major supporter of Palestinian hardliners, providing funding, training and weapons, particularly to Hamas and Islamic Jihad, both of whom owe their ability to confront Israel to direct Iranian support. But surfing the major Palestinian Web sites at noon today (Tuesday, Tel Aviv time), reveals very little interest in what is happening in the streets of Tehran.

Radical groups realize that 'reformist' or not, Iran's government will seek to destroy Israel.

The most prominent Palestinian to have publicly expressed an opinion on the events is a former Israeli Knesset member, Azmi Bishara, who fled Israel and is wanted for questioning for allegedly spying for Hezbollah.

In an op-ed piece earlier this week in Al Jazeera, Bishara concluded that the events in Iran reflect the views of middle-class Iranians, not those of the majority of the population. And to the extent that Iran becomes more westernized, he stated, this process will result from an ideological clash within the regime itself.

Bishara did not say a word about how all of this might affect the Palestinians. Even when his piece was copied to Hamas's most active forum, Paldf, it did not give rise to a discussion on what the impact on the Palestinians would be.

Perhaps this is because the Palestinians realize that what happens in Iran — short of a complete overhaul of the regime, which is highly unlikely — is not going to have an effect on the support they receive from the Revolutionary Guards and the Ministry of Intelligence. This is contrary to the view of much the Western media, which sees the events in Iran as a sign of an impending regime change.

The turmoil in Tehran, as far as the Palestinians are concerned, is a dispute between rival political factions; it does not concern them, and it does not interest them.

The Iranian governmental entities in charge of exporting the Islamic revolution will continue to do so under a reformist government just as they do now and just as they did in the past when the reformist Mohammad Khatami was in office. One way or another, the Iranian regime will keep stoking the flames of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.


Why Hezbollah Is Quiet

Nicholas Blanford is the Beirut-based correspondent for The Christian Science Monitor and The Times of London.

Lebanon's Hezbollah is keeping generally silent on the post-election turmoil in Iran, but one can be certain that the emerging power struggle between Iran's clerical rulers is under close scrutiny from Beirut.

Of greater concern for Hezbollah is the emerging power struggle among Iran's top clerical rulers.

Hezbollah's structural ideology is rooted in "wilayet al-faqih," or the rule of the jurisprudent. It is the system of governance developed by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the godfather of Iran's 1979 Islamic revolution, in which supreme authority, political and religious, is invested in one man. Hezbollah answers to the supreme leader in Iran, presently Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, not the state itself, which is why the identity of the president is largely immaterial to the Lebanese party.

Although it maintains a careful neutrality in public, Hezbollah prefers Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as president of Iran. Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah's secretary-general, sent a warm note of congratulations to Mr. Ahmadinejad, saying his electoral victory represents "a great hope to all the mujahideen [strugglers] and resistance who are fighting against the forces of oppression and occupation."

For Hezbollah, Mr. Ahmadinejad's confrontational stance helps sustain the popular struggle against Israel and the West. Indeed, the differences between Mr. Ahmadinejad and his challenger, Mir Hossein Mussavi, have little bearing on Hezbollah because those differences are centered on domestic rather than foreign policy issues.

Of greater concern for Hezbollah is the emerging power struggle among Iran's top clerical rulers, which could have consequences for the status of the supreme leader.

Hezbollah receives tens of millions of dollars each year from charitable institutions and private funds under the control of Ayatollah Khamenei. Combined with the party's own extensive funding network, Iranian patronage, which includes arms transfers and training, has enabled Hezbollah to become a political and military powerhouse in Lebanon.

In his only comment on the unrest, Sheik Nasrallah struck a confident tone last week, saying that "Iran is under the authority of the wali al-faqih and will pass through this crisis."

But Hezbollah can be forgiven for feeling a little uneasy the longer the crisis remains unresolved.


Weakening Hawkish Elements

Daoud Kuttab is a Palestinian journalist and a former professor of journalism at Princeton University.

No matter how the standoff in Iran ends up, two things have become clear. The power of digital technology can override analog government efforts of suppression, and the shakeup in Iran has weakened a host of hawkish elements in the region.

The Iranian people, a majority of whom are young, have discovered, developed and perfected every possible available means of communications. All the attempts by a brutal regime, like the one currently in power in Iran, have proved incapable of totally and completely gag ging their own population from being heard.

The shakeup of the Iranian regime and the defeat of Hezbollah in Lebanon have dealt a blow to radical voices in the Middle East.

The happenings in the streets of Tehran and the angry reaction of a big percentage of the population have proved that the regime's policies have been dealt a heavy blow outside the country as well. Whether Ahmadinejad returns or not, whoever is seen as running the Islamic Republic of Iran has little choice but to show a little humility and a lot less rhetorical radicalism in international affairs.

President Obama's extended hand to Muslims and Arabs, along with the defeat of Hezbollah in Lebanon and the shakeup of the Iranian regime, have dealt a severe blow to radical and hawkish voices in this part of the world. Syria has already stated its willingness to restart the indirect talks (through Turkey) that it suspended with Israel. Hamas is also speaking in a much more moderate voice, welcoming Jimmy Carter last week and talking of a Palestinian state within the 1967 border.

VN Mensenrechtenraad schrapt aandacht voor Congo

 
None of that made any impression on the UN Human Rights Council. The 11th session, which ended on Friday, June 19th, dedicated six hours to Israel-bashing, under the agenda item known as the "human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories." By comparison it spent one minute on the Democratic Republic of the Congo - to remove the DRC from its focus altogether.
 
Voor de VN Mensenrechtenraad zijn sommige landen iets gelijker dan andere.....
Wanneer Israel zoals gewoonlijk urenlang wordt veroordeeld en van de meest extreme en absurde zaken beschuldigd, ligt daar niet een betrokkenheid en compassie voor de Palestijnen aan ten grondslag, maar een politieke motivatie: Joden hebben in tegenstelling tot Arabieren geen recht op een staat.
 
RP
-------------
 
For Immediate Release:
June 23, 2009
Contact:  Anne Bayefsky
info@EYEontheUN.org


EYEontheUN Alert

The UN's "reformed" Human Rights Council Abandons Human Rights in the Democratic Republic of the Congo


On June 18th, 2009 the Human Rights Council President announced that the Council "has decided in a closed meeting to discontinue consideration of the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." This marks the first time in 15 years that the UN's lead human rights body has wiped the horrific range of human rights abuses in the DRC off its investigative agenda.

Consideration of human rights abuses in the DRC had been taking place under a behind-closed-doors procedure which permits the Council to consider "consistent patterns of gross and reliably attested violations of human rights."

After announcing the abandonment of DRC human rights victims, the Council President also imposed a gag order and required all Council members not "to make any reference in public to the confidential decision and material concerning the DRC."

Terminating the behind-the-scenes investigation of human rights abuses in the DRC was the final blow in a series of steps taken by the UN's lead human rights body to save the state violator and ignore its victims. In 1994 the Council's predecessor, the UN Human Rights Commission, established the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the DRC. In 2004 it downgraded the position to that of "Independent expert to provide assistance to the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the field of human rights". In 2006, the newly-created Council renewed the position temporarily pending a review of Commission investigatory positions. In March of 2008 it discontinued the position of Independent Expert. This left no UN public investigation (or light of day) on egregious violations in the DRC. With its latest move, even closed door pressure on the DRC is gone.

In reality, the human rights situation in the DRC remains grave. According to the [US] State Department Human Rights Report on the DRC released this year:

"In all areas of the country the government's human rights record remained poor, and security forces continued to act with impunity throughout the year, committing many serious abuses including unlawful killings, disappearances, torture, and rape. Security forces also engaged in arbitrary arrests and detention. Harsh and life-threatening conditions in prison and detention facilities, prolonged pretrial detention, lack of an independent and effective judiciary, and arbitrary interference with privacy, family, and home also remained serious problems. Security forces retained child soldiers and compelled forced labor by civilians. Members of the security forces also continued to abuse and threaten journalists, contributing to a decline in freedom of the press...Discrimination against women and ethnic minorities, trafficking in persons, child labor, and lack of protection of workers' rights continued to be pervasive throughout the country...Armed groups continued to commit numerous, serious abuses - some of which may have constituted war crimes - including unlawful killings, disappearances, and torture. They also recruited and retained child soldiers, compelled forced labor, and committed widespread crimes of sexual violence and other possible war crimes."

None of that made any impression on the UN Human Rights Council. The 11th session, which ended on Friday, June 19th, dedicated six hours to Israel-bashing, under the agenda item known as the "human rights situation in Palestine and other occupied Arab territories." By comparison it spent one minute on the Democratic Republic of the Congo - to remove the DRC from its focus altogether.


For more United Nations coverage see
www.EYEontheUN.org.

=============
EYEontheUN monitors the UN direct from UN Headquarters in New York. EYEontheUN brings to light the real UN record on the key threats to democracy, human rights, and peace and security in our time. EYEontheUN provides a unique information base for the re-evaluation of priorities and directions for modern-day democratic societies.
 

Hamas sluit krant in Gaza en sluit hoofdredacteur op

 
Hamas, het 'democratisch gekozen regime in Gaza' zoals linkse politici en 'vredesactivisten' blijven beweren, neemt het met democratische waarden niet zo nauw. Niet alleen martelt men (vermeende) Fatah leden, ook worden haar onwelgevallige kranten en journalisten bedreigd. Dit is niet de eerste keer dat een krant wordt gedwongen te sluiten.
 
RP
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De facto government shuts down Gaza newspaper, detains chief editor
Date: 24 / 06 / 2009  Time:  14:44
www.maannews.net/en/index.php?opr=ShowDetails&ID=38779


Ramallah - Ma'an - De facto government forces shut down the offices of the As-Subeh (The Morning) newspaper and detained its Chief Editor Sari Al-Qudweh in an evening raid Tuesday.

The Palestinian journalists' union condemned the detention in a Wednesday statement saying the home and office of Al-Qudweh were raided, and his papers and computer confiscated before the editor was detained.

The union called on all media and rights institutions to intervene and demand the immediate release of Al-Qudweh.

Journalists should not be the target of political conflicts, the union's statement said, and reminded the governments in the West Bank and Gaza that Al-Qudweh is not the only journalist who has been targeted in recent months.

While calling for the release of Al-Qudweh and the re-opening of As-Subeh in Gaza, the union also called on caretaker government officials in Ramallah to make sure the local newspapers "Palestine" and "Ar-Risala" (The letter) were also permitted to start circulating their publications in the West Bank.

woensdag 24 juni 2009

Enquete in VS over erkening Israel en vredeskansen

 
Bij enquetes is altijd de vraag hoe de vragen geformuleerd zijn. De actuele kwestie is of de Palestijnen Israel expliciet als Joodse staat moeten erkennen. Bij onderstaande opiniepeiling lijkt dat niet zo geformuleerd te zijn. Het kennisniveau van Amerikanen betreffende internationale kwesties is zo mogelijk nog beroerder dan in Europa. Des te meer hangt af van een eventuele inleiding of toelichting bij de vragen door de enqueteurs.
 
Wouter
_______________

Last update - 20:34 23/06/2009
Poll: Most Americans think Palestinians must recognize Israel's right to exist
By Natasha Mozgovaya, Haaretz Correspondent, and Haaretz Service
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1095064.html
 
 
Eighty-one percent of American voters agree that Palestinian leaders must recognize Israel's right to exist as part of a Middle East peace agreement, according to a new survey by U.S. polling company Rasmussen Reports published Tuesday.
 
The national telephone survey found that just seven percent disagree that recognition of Israel should be a requirement for peace, while 12 percent are not sure.
 
But only 27 percent believe it is somewhat likely that Palestinian leaders will agree to recognize Israel's right to exist, the poll found.
 
There is less support from American voters for requiring Israel to accept the creation of a Palestinian state. Fifty-seven percent of voters say Israel should be required to do so as part of a regional peace agreement, and 20 percent oppose such a requirement.
 
Forty-eight percent of respondents to the Rasmussen poll said U.S. President Barack Obama's Middle Eastern policy is about right, but 35% said he is not supportive enough of Israel and 10% said he is too supportive.
 
Obama has called on Israel and the Palestinians to acknowledge each other's existence, while also pushing Israel to freeze settlement construction in the West Bank.
 
Following Obama's June 4 speech to the Muslim world in Cairo, 32% of American voters now think that relationship will improve in the next year, while 28% believe it will get worse, according to the poll.
 
Forty-nine percent of respondents said the United States should help Israel if it decides to attack Iran over the latter's nuclear weapon facilities.

Berichten over vrijlating Shalit ontkend; commissie stelt richtlijnen op voor gevangenenruil

 
Als de nieuwe richtlijnen voor gevangenenruil straks zijn vastgesteld, moet men wel een kopietje naar Hamas sturen. Die kan dan inschatten of het nog loont om Israeli's te ontvoeren en uit te ruilen. Wordt het een soort legeskostenverordening? Per levende, gezonde soldaat 500 Palestijnse gevangenen, waarvan 50 van het zwaar-terroristische kaliber? Per dode soldaat slechts 100 Palestijnen, alleen lichte gevallen? Hangt aan ontvoerde burgers straks een hoger of juist lager prijskaartje dan aan soldaten? Zijn bombardementen bij de prijs inbegrepen?
Van het jarenlange gesteggel over Shalit en de eindeloze lijst vrij te laten Palestijnen kun je wel cynisch worden.
 
Wouter
______________
 
Hamas, Israel deny Schalit release rumor
JPost.com Staff , THE JERUSALEM POST
 
Hamas and Israeli officials on Tuesday evening both denied a report by the Palestinian Ma'an news agency that captured IDF soldier Gilad Schalit would be transferred to Egypt in a matter of hours. Later Tuesday, the news agency updated the report, taking out the time frame but still claiming that Schalit's release was imminent.

The report, quoting unnamed Egyptian sources, cited an unscheduled visit to Tel Aviv by Egyptian general Muhammad Ibrahim, saying he had made the trip to discuss prisoner swap arrangements to be made after Schalit's transfer to Egypt.

According to Palestinian reports, Israel had conveyed a message to Hamas through former US president Jimmy Carter in which Jerusalem expressed willingness to release most of the prisoners that Hamas is demanding be released in exchange for Schalit.

"Israel is awaiting the letter of reply from Gilad Schalit to the letter transferred to him by his parents, Noam and Aviva, in order to verify that he is still alive," Palestinian sources said. "Afterwards Israel will agree to advance the negotiations for Schalit's release and end the affair."

The sources claimed that the Israeli government was eager to see Schalit return and had therefore agreed to release many of the prisoners on the list, including senior Hamas members.

The Jerusalem Post could not independently confirm the report.

Meanwhile, former Supreme Court president Meir Shamgar denied reports that a committee set up by Defense Minister Ehud Barak had set a new price tag for future prisoner exchanges.

Tuesday's report in Yediot Aharonot claimed that the committee, formed by Barak in the wake of the 2008 prisoner exchange with Hizbullah to set guidelines in the event of future abductions, had recommended that Israel refrain from releasing large numbers of prisoners in exchange for abductees, and avoid releasing live prisoners in exchange for bodies.

While Shamgar did not rule out such a conclusion, he told Army Radio that no decision had yet been made.

"Until now, all of the committee members have avoided publicizing anything to anyone, and I don't want to comment on what was said in the [Yediot] story - we have yet to make up our minds and we have yet to file a report," he said.

Shamgar added that any recommendations made by the committee would not affect a deal for the release of Schalit and would only pertain to future cases.

The committee is chaired by Israel Prize-winning ethicist Asa Kasher and also includes former Defense Ministry director-general Amos Yaron.
 

Olmert bood Abbas 93% Westoever en 6% compensatie

 
"It's very sad. He was serious, I have to say," Erekat said.

Vindt de Palestijnse onderhandelaar het droevig dat een wanhopige Olmert zoveel concessies wilde doen, en zelfs de soevereiniteit over de Joodse heiligdommen in Jeruzalem wilde delen? Of vindt hij het droevig dat Olmert zo weinig aanbood, nauwelijks meer dan Barak 8 jaar eerder? Of vindt hij het droevig dat de Palestijnen dit genereuze aanbod wéér afwezen, de zoveelste kans die ze lieten lopen?
Ondanks de Annapolis 'deadline' van eind 2008, was de PA van september tot december aan het dubben over hun antwoord op dit voorstel, en tsja, toen gooide de Gaza Oorlog roet in de onderhandelingen. Het is erg droevig.
 
Wouter
______________
 
 
Haaretz Tue., June 23, 2009
Last update - 10:55 23/06/2009 
Olmert offered to withdraw from 93% of West Bank
By Aluf Benn and Barak Ravid
http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1094882.html


Former prime minister Ehud Olmert offered Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas that the Holy Basin area of Jerusalem would be under no sovereignty at all and administered by a joint committee of Saudis, Jordanians, Israelis, Palestinians and Americans, the former prime minister told Newsweek magazine in an interview in the current issue.

The proposal to internationalize the Holy Basin was intended to achieve a breakthrough in the negotiations around the issues of sovereignity over holy sites in Jerusalem, the issue which had reportedly caused the breakdown of the Camp David talks in July 2000.

Olmert's proposal implies Israeli willingness to give up sovereignity over the Temple Mount, the Old City and the Mount of Olives. The offer appears to contradict Olmert's promise to Shas never to negotiate over Jerusalem and was never revealed to the Israeli public while he was in office. However, Newsweek notes the offer was made in September 2008, when Olmert was heading a transition government and had already resigned from his post, rendering coalition considerations irrelevant.

Olmert also told Newsweek he suggested to Abbas Israel would withdraw from 93.5 to 93.7 per cent of the West Bank, compensating the Palestinians with territory equivalent to 5.8 per cent of the West Bank, and allow for direct crossing between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.

He stressed he rejected Palestinian demands to realize the right of return, and instead offered a "humanitarian gesture" of accepting a small number of Palestinian refugees, "smaller than the Palestinians wanted, a very, very limited number."

Olmert's offer was confirmed to Newsweek by Saeb Erekat, the chief Palestinian negotiator. "It's very sad. He was serious, I have to say," Erekat said. He said that he and Abbas began preparing a response, but within a few months the Gaza war erupted, and Olmert had left office.

Olmert spoke to Newsweek's Kevin Peraino shortly before leaving for New York for prostrate cancer treatment.

Palestijnse enquete: meerderheid optimistisch over verzoening Hamas-Fatah

 
1. Fatah 29.3%
2. Hamas 17.5%
3. Unaffiliated nationalists 6.1%
4. Unaffiliated Islamists 3.8%
5. Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) 3%
6. Islamic Jihad 2.2%
7. The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) 1%
8. Palestinian National Initiative (PNI - Al-Mubadara) 1.6%
9. Palestinian People's Party (PPP) 1%
10. None of the political parties 34.2%
 
Zoals iedere poll laat ook deze een veel hogere steun voor Fatah dan Hamas zien. Het is dus niet zo dat Hamas er alleen maar populairder op wordt door de blokkade van Gaza en de Gaza oorlog van afgelopen januari. Wat vreemd is is dat er geen grote derde partij ontstaat als alternatief voor hen die de corruptie van Fatah beu zijn maar zich ook niet tot Hamas aangetrokken voelen.
 
RP
------------

Ma'an Poll: 61% of Palestinians optimistic about Hamas-Fatah unity
Date: 17 / 06 / 2009  Time:  12:15
www.maannews.net/en/index.php?opr=ShowDetails&ID=38615


Bethlehem - Ma'an Exclusive - Sixty-one percent of Palestinians are optimistic about Hamas-Fatah reconciliation and 70% say they will vote in elections scheduled for next year, according to a new opinion poll commissioned by Ma'an.

The poll was carried out, in partnership with the Palestinian Center for Research and Cultural Dialogue (PCRD), in anticipation of the upcoming Palestinian reconciliation talks in Cairo in July. The poll shows that, even in the aftermath of the Israeli attack on Gaza, a form of optimism prevails in the Palestinian street.

With a sample size of 1360 adults (850 in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, 510 in Gaza), the poll posed questions about a wide range of issues including democracy in Palestinian society, good governance, political issues, and media. The survey was carried out from 12-14 March 2009.

The poll showed that 48% of respondents believe that the most important feature of democracy is the ability to change the government through elections. Twenty-nine percent said that "freedom to criticize rulers" is the second most important feature of democracy.

In addition:

. 22.0% of the respondents believe that the status of democracy in Palestine
is good, whereas 45.0% believe the opposite.

. When asked on the relationship between democracy and religion, 19.0% believe the two are contradictory, whereas 36.5% believe they are conciliatory, 18.5% complementary. 26% believe there is no relationship between them.

The poll also asked Palestinians their views on elections and the political system:

. 45% of the respondents reveal that the mixed system (proportional representation and constituencies) is the best electoral system in Palestine as opposed to 21.0% who believe that the proportional representation is the best electoral system.
. 70% of the respondents say they will cast their ballot in the next elections.
. 60% believe that the next elections will be impartial.
. 61% say they are optimistic regarding the intra-Palestinian dialogue in Cairo.

Also, 29.3% of the respondents said they support Fatah, compared to 17.5% who said they support Hamas. 34.2% said they support none of the political parties.

Support for the political factions broke down as follows:

1. Fatah 29.3%
2. Hamas 17.5%
3. Unaffiliated nationalists 6.1%
4. Unaffiliated Islamists 3.8%
5. Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) 3%
6. Islamic Jihad 2.2%
7. The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) 1%
8. Palestinian National Initiative (PNI - Al-Mubadara) 1.6%
9. Palestinian People's Party (PPP) 1%
10. None of the political parties 34.2%

The poll also showed a high degree of support for increased transparency in the Palestinian political system. For example, 75.0% believe that candidates in the next elections are obliged to disclose the financial resources used to pay for their campaign. 58% believe that it is their right to have access to the annual budget of the Palestinian government.

A near majority of 46.3% said they had heard or learned about people who bribed Palestinian officials in exchange for services; 50.7% said they had not.

Only 9.8% said civil society groups play a large role in monitoring the Palestinian Authority and holding it accountable, compared to 30.4% who believe that these groups play a small or very small role regarding this matter.

Regarding media, Al-Jazeera was the most-watched television news source (55%), followed by followed by Al-Arabiya (11%) Hamas' Al-Aqsa (10%), and the PA's Palestine TV (9% ).

Among the respondents, 96% have a telephone, 57% live in a households with a computer, 32% have internet, 73% have a radio, 93% have a satellite dish, and 26% have an antenna for local TV stations.

The poll also addressed Ma'an's reach as a news network.

. 22.9% state that they have already listened to Maan radio network.

. Ma'an's website is the most browsed sites among 15 international and local sites (68%) followed by that of Al-Jazeera (58%), then Al-Quds daily newspaper site (55%). These percentages include those who said they browse these sites to a very high degree, to a high degree, and to a moderate degree.

. 73% of those who use the internet in Palestine browse Ma'an's website.

. 94% of those who browse Ma'an's website state that its form and content either highly appropriate or appropriate.

. 63% of the respondents who browse Ma'an website believe it is unaffiliated to a political party, whereas 23% believe the opposite, and 15% do not know.
 

dinsdag 23 juni 2009

Khameinei ziet Zionistische media achter protest verkiezingen Iran

 
Zie ook de nieuwsberichten en commentaren over Iran op de nieuwsblog van Ami Isseroff & co:
 
 
Ami's eigen commentaar op MidEast Web Log:
 
 
En de gevatte cartoon op DryBones:
 
 
___________________________________
 

Khameinei - Zionist Radio Trying to Change the Meaning of Iranian election

Peres should not hold his breath until the Iranian regime falls, but this statement Khameinei is surely entertaining:
"These divisions come from the Zionist radio and the bad British radio trying to change the meaning of the election," Khamenei said.
 
 
Jun. 21, 2009
JPost.com Staff , THE JERUSALEM POST
 
 
President Shimon Peres on Sunday expressed hope that the Iranian leadership would "disappear" before the Islamic republic makes use of its enriched Uranium, saying it was more important to fight the Iranian regime than the country's nuclear program.
 
"The struggle against the leaders of the Iranian regime is more important than [the struggle against] the bombs," Peres said, speaking at the Jewish Agency assembly in Jerusalem.
 
The president also attacked Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has hinted that Israel and the US were behind the pro-Mousavi riots in Teheran.
 
"How dare he claim that we demanded that the Iranian people head to the streets and risk their lives?" Army Radio quoted Peres as saying.
 
Also Sunday, Iran's Parliament reiterated warnings sounded by Khamenei in which he said that leaders of the US, UK, France and Germany must not to interfere in the country's internal affairs, threatening that Iran would respond to such meddling "in other fields."
 
Iranian parliament speaker Ali Larijani directed a message at US President Barack Obama, saying that he "showed the deceitful meaning of change too soon."
 
According to Iran's ISNA news agency, Larijani called for the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission of the Iranian Parliament to revise relations with the US, UK, France and Germany.
 
In his speech Friday, Khamenei blamed the United States, Britain and "other enemies" for fomenting unrest. He said Iran would not see a second revolution like those which transformed the countries of the former Soviet Union.
 
"These divisions come from the Zionist radio and the bad British radio trying to change the meaning of the election," Khamenei said.
 
He said the election outcome was a vindication of the Islamic republic and an earthquake for its enemies. "If the people did not trust in the system they would not participate in it," he said. "Iran's enemies are targeting the beliefs and trust of the people."
 
 

Fayad: "binnen 2 jaar een Palestijnse staat"


Er zou heel misschien een Palestijnse staat kunnen komen als de Palestijnse Autoriteit niet alleen om meer druk op Israel vraagt, maar vooral ook zelf aan de slag gaat en zich flexibel opstelt. Erken Israel als Joodse staat, erken dat een onbeperkt 'recht op terugkeer' niet reëel is, erken dat ook de Joden een historische band met het land en met Jeruzalem hebben, en vraag vervolgens van Israel te stoppen met bouwen in de nederzettingen en te erkennen dat Jeruzalem ook voor de Palestijnen belangrijk is.

RP
--------------
 
The Jerusalem Post
Jun 22, 2009 19:21 | Updated Jun 22, 2009 19:34
Fayad: Palestinian state within 2 years
By JPOST.COM STAFF
http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1245184899749&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull


A Palestinian state can be created within two years, Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salaam Fayad said on Monday.

Speaking in Abu Dis, Fayad called on his people to pull together and "roll up their sleeves" in order to make sure that all the institutions necessary for a state are in place "by the end of next year, or at the latest, in two years."

The PA prime minister refused to back down from the Palestinian stance that there would be no peace negotiations with Israel until a West Bank settlement freeze.

Fayad also called upon the world to exert pressure on Israel to cease settlement activity and stop the Gaza blockade.

Last week in the US, Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman said Israel's settlements were not an obstacle to achieving peace, adding that Israel was ready to engage in peace talks with the Palestinians without preconditions.

Visiting New York after his trip to Washington DC, where he maintained Israel's opposition to a settlement freeze, Lieberman also downplayed the issue as a potential thorn in the relationship between Israel and the United States.

Palestijnse Autoriteit gaat honderden Hamas leden vrijlaten


Het volgende is natuurlijk volkomen absurd:
 
They added that Abbas's move was also aimed at sending a message to the US and Israel to the effect that the PA leadership is deeply disappointed by Washington's failure to force the Israeli government to stop construction in the settlements and accept the two-state solution unconditionally
 
De Israelische regering is de afgelopen tijd stevig onder druk gezet door de VS, maar Abbas is het duidelijk nooit genoeg. Israel moet onvoorwaardelijk alle Palestijnse eisen inwilligen, en de VS moet het daartoe dwingen, anders zal Abbas niet meewerken. Daar komt de houding van Abbas op neer. Als Abbas denkt dat de veiligheid op de Westoever gediend is met de vrijlating van honderden Hamas activisten, moet hij dat vooral doen, maar dan vervolgens niet verbaasd zijn als het Israelische leger weigert allerlei steden aan de PA over te dragen.
 
Je begint je zo langzamaan af te vragen of een eenheidsregering zoveel slechter zal zijn als het huidige 'gematigde' leiderschap van de PA. Legitimering van een terroristische organisatie door met zo'n regering te gaan praten is natuurlijk nooit een goed idee.
 
RP
-------------

The Jerusalem Post
Jun 22, 2009 18:12 | Updated Jun 22, 2009 19:03
PA to free hundreds of Hamas detainees
By KHALED ABU TOAMEH
RAMALLAH
http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1245184899095&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull


Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has decided to release hundreds of Hamas detainees who are being held without trial in various PA-controlled prisons in the West Bank, Palestinian officials here said on Monday.

The decision is aimed at paving the way for the resumption of reconciliation talks between Abbas's Fatah faction and Hamas, the officials said.

They added that Abbas's move was also aimed at sending a message to the US and Israel to the effect that the PA leadership is deeply disappointed by Washington's failure to force the Israeli government to stop construction in the settlements and accept the two-state solution unconditionally.

Azzam al-Ahmed, a top Fatah legislator closely associated with Abbas, said that Abbas has instructed the PA security forces in the West Bank to start releasing Hamas detainees in the coming days.

He said the instructions also related to those detainees who were arrested for security offences, on condition that they don't pose a threat to public order and security.

Ahmed, who served as a member of the Fatah delegation during the previous sessions of reconciliation talks with Hamas, confirmed that the decision was linked to Abbas's desire to patch up his differences with Hamas.

The Egyptian-sponsored reconciliation talks were called off due to Hamas's insistence that Abbas's security forces stop arresting its supporters in the West Bank and release some 700 detainees who are being held without trial.

PA security officials said the massive crackdown on Hamas supporters was part of a pre-emptive measure aimed at foiling the Islamic movement's attempt to topple the PA regime in the West Bank

Fatah and Hamas negotiators have been invited to another round of talks in the Egyptian capital on July 7.

A PA official here told The Jerusalem Post that the Egyptians were planning to impose an agreement on the two parties if they did not end their differences in the next few weeks.

"General Omar Suleiman is very serious about forcing the two sides to sign an agreement over the formation of a Palestinian unity government," the official said, referring to Egypt's General Intelligence Chief, who has been personally supervising the talks.

Ibrahim Abu al-Naja, a senior Fatah representative from the Gaza Strip who has also been involved in the reconciliation talks with Hamas, revealed that, on the instructions of Abbas, more than 20 Hamas detainees had already been released over the weekend.

"Fatah is prepared to do many things for the sake of achieving national unity," he said. "The divisions have seriously harmed the higher interests of our people."

A special legal committee established by Abbas has begun reviewing the cases of the Hamas detainees as a first step toward setting them free, another PA official told the Post. He said that the committee's job was to recommend which detainees would be released and when.

Ashraf Juma'ah, a Fatah legislator, called on Hamas to respond to Abbas's "goodwill gesture" by releasing Fatah detainees held in its prisons in the Gaza Strip.

Juma'ah praised Abbas's decision as "bold and wise," saying its main objective is to create a better atmosphere for resuming the reconciliation talks between Hamas and Fatah.

"We urge Hamas to reciprocate by releasing all the Fatah detainees, including senior Fatah officials, from its prisons," he said, noting that some of the detainees had been tortured. "We also hope that both sides will end the campaign of incitement against each other."

Hamas officials responded to Abbas's initiative with skepticism, pointing out that this was not the first time that the PA leader had promised to release Hamas detainees.

"We want to see deeds, not words," said Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri. "It's premature to judge Abbas regarding his claim that he will release political detainees."

Abu Zuhri claimed that in the past, the PA security forces refused to obey Abbas's orders to free Hamas detainees.

Sources close to Hamas told the Post that Abbas's decision was aimed at "distracting attention" from the continued campaign against Hamas supporters in the West Bank. The sources said that in the past 48 hours alone, security forces loyal to Abbas arrested 39 Hamas supporters, including 15 elected members of municipal councils, five school teachers, two civil engineers, two university students and two imams.

Salah Bardaweel, member of the Hamas delegation to the reconciliation talks with Fatah, condemned the campaign as a "crime" and an "obstacle" to achieving national unity. He said that Abbas's latest decision, if implemented, would be a "good step" toward ending schism on the Palestinian arena.

maandag 22 juni 2009

Fatah politieagent uit Gaza wil asiel in Israel


Dit soort tegenstrijdigheden zijn niet ongewoon in Israel en de Palestijnse gebieden. Tijdens de coup van Hamas in 2007 vluchtten vele Fatah activisten de grens over naar Israel.
 
RP
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Gazan officer, fearing for his life, asks to stay in Israeli detention
PA loyalist who escaped Hamas by infiltrating Israel, turning himself in asks court not to send him back
Aviad Glickman - YNET
 
A Palestinian police officer detained in Israel is demanding that the High Court of Justice give him refuge as he claims his life may be at risk if he is forced to return to the Gaza Strip.

The 24-year-old, a resident of Gaza who was arrested for infiltrating the border with Israel, is scheduled to be released from prison early next week but filed a petition Sunday asking that an order be issued allowing him to remain in Israel.

He says he has appealed to a committee managed by the Defense Ministry, which handles appeals from Palestinians at risk from Palestinian organizations, but that he had not yet received a response.

The former police officer says he became a wanted man when Hamas performed its hostile takeover of Gaza in 2007, along with his brother and father, because the three were seen as loyal to the Palestinian Authority.

The man says he turned himself in to the IDF after being attacked and shot by Hamas operatives. In order to do so he crossed the border into Israel illegally, and was thereafter brought to court and sentenced to one year in prison.

However after reviewing his case a parole committee decided to release him early. He then asked to be released into the West Bank and not Gaza, but despite a number of urgent calls by his attorney he has not yet received a reply to his request.

The officer is now asking to be allowed to stay in Israel or, as an alternative, to be granted residency in the West Bank. He is also demanding that the court prevent the state from transferring him to Gaza until a solution is found

Israelische wijn


Wijn is in Israel, zowel vergeleken met wijn hier als met sterke drank daar, relatief duur. Daarom heb ik voornamelijk het goedkope spul leren kennen, en dat is geen feest. Wijn is echter in opkomst en dat zal ook de prijs steeds verder doen drukken, zeker van de niet-koshere wijn.
 
RP
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Ancient land, new wines
By JENALIA MORENO
Copyright 2009 Houston Chronicle
June 20, 2009, 2:38AM
 
 
Inside a candlelit room at a west Houston Italian restaurant, the Israeli government sought to change Israel's international image with help from one of the world's oldest industries: wine — glasses and glasses of wine.

The government recently teamed up with its wine industry and U.S. importers to promote the beverages made from grapes grown on the land immortalized by biblical figures Noah, Samson, and David and Goliath.
 
These days, Israel is known more for conflict and tension than for its wines, local Israeli government officials said.
 
"Israeli wine can help rebrand Israel," said wine importer Richard Shaffer, who is working with the government by hosting wine-tasting parties.
 
Wine production began in Israel millennia ago, Shaffer said, peppering his wine dinner speech with biblical references.
 
In the last quarter-century, wine experts have rediscovered Israel, a promised land with less than two dozen wineries. Today more than 200 dot the nation's landscape, said Shaffer, the owner of the Chicago area's Israeli Wine Direct, which works with Israel's boutique wineries.
 
The government's promotional campaign that sponsors wine tastings across the nation may have already helped Israel's wine exports to the U.S. because they increased to 150,200 cases last year from 146,500 cases in 2007, according to De-partment of Commerce numbers.
 
That comes at a time when the global recession and a weakening of the U.S. dollar contributed to a 5 percent decrease in U.S. imports of all wines by volume last year, compared with 2007.
 
Israel sold $12 million worth of wine to the U.S. last year, up from $11 million in 2007, according to the Israeli government.
 
Touting the quality
 
Educating consumers that quality wine can hail from Israel is an obstacle.
 
"It's just funny you had never heard of Israeli wines before," said Carol Hunton, who attended a four-course dinner paired with Israeli wines Tuesday at Carmelo's.
 
She described the Pelter Trio 2006 paired with the rigatoni with porcini mushrooms and veal ragu dish as rich and soft.
 
"We in the restaurant business are always looking for something new, something to bring to our customers," said the restaurant's owner, Carmelo Mauro, who hails from Sicily.
 
Local wine critic Denman Moody tried eight Israeli wines during a breakfast at Carmelo's.
 
"They were all surprisingly good," he said, describing a Pelter Sauvignon Blanc 2007 as not like drinking grapefruit juice, but more in between the flavors of tropical fruits and peaches.
 
Not all kosher
 
Another obstacle Israel faces in growing the industry is convincing consumers and shopkeepers that not all Israeli wine is kosher.
 
Kosher wines must be made under the supervision of a rabbi, contain only kosher ingredients and processed using equipment certified by a rabbi.
 
No preservatives or artificial colors can be added to the wine, among other restrictions.
 
They are typically served during Jewish holidays but are snubbed by some wine aficionados.
 
"Some people even refer to it as vinegar," said Roee Madai, the consul for economic affairs at the Israeli government's Houston office.
 
Something different

Savvy wine drinkers are fatigued by yet another wine from California, Argentina or Chile, Madai said.
 
"Israel for them is something unique, niche, sexy," Madai said.
 
As Israeli wines become more popular, promoters hope retailers will showcase Israeli wines by country, much like Italian, French and South African wines have their own shelves at stores.
 
Roberto Fleischer, president of Houston's Fleischer International Trading, stopped by the The Tasting Room in Uptown Park recently to try Israeli wines. He's considering distribut- ing some of the wines lo-cally.
 
"I think it's a very good niche for us," he said.
 
Some good, some not
 
Web designer Fred Sodergren was already familiar with some Israeli wines after a recent trip to Israel.
 
"I had some bad wines, and I had some very good wines," she said during the event at The Tasting Room.
 
One of the wines served at that event was the Flam Classico 2006 made by Gilad Flam and his brother, the second generation of their family to make wine.
 
"We are giving the world a different taste with our wine," said Flam, from his home winery between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv.
 
 

Jenin van terreurhoofdstad naar luxe winkelcentrum


Het is niet alleen maar kommer en kwel in de Palestijnse gebieden. De meeste Palestijnen zullen deze spullen niet kunnen betalen, maar het is een goed teken dat er weer wordt geinvesteerd en mensen weer vertrouwen hebben.
 
Het volgende klinkt welhaast ironisch:
 
A third factor which makes the change in the West Bank possible is the Israel Defense Forces. Abu Tarek says the Israeli army was still carrying out operations in the West Bank but became "a lot less violent." And one of the Palestinians present, who witnessed his brothers' arrest recently, chuckles: "They're very gentle nowadays. They come quietly, knock on the door and say politely: Army, please open up."
 
Laatst zei een Palestijnse ook al dat vergeleken met de PA veiligheidsdienst, het Israelische leger de vriendelijkheid zelve is. Helaas zijn er genoeg verhalen waaruit een ander beeld naar voren komt, maar dat er een verandering ten goede is, die uiteraard te maken heeft met het feit dat er bijna geen (pogingen tot) aanslagen meer zijn vanuit Jenin, lijkt onmiskenbaar.
 
RP
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Luxury Palestinian mall signals transformation of 'terror capital'
By Avi Issacharoff, Haaretz Correspondent
Last update - 07:14 21/06/2009
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1094441.html

 
The skies lit up over Jenin last month, and it wasn't tracer bullets or flash bombs but celebratory fireworks, set off to mark the occasion of the opening of Hirbawi Home Center, a new luxury establishment on the city's outskirts.

The five-story building near the Jalame checkpoint cost $5 million to build, says its owner, and it is filled with deluxe, foreign-made products seen mostly in the pages of newspaper supplements.

This shopping opportunity is intended to interest the upper crust of Jenin, and while some might think the proposition suggests financial suicide, the profit forecasts for the project have been so favorable the owner plans to open four more shops in the West Bank and one in Jordan.

The next city to enjoy a Hirbawi Home Center is Ramallah, where one is already in partial operation; then Hebron, Tul Karem and Nablus.

"It may sound mad to outsiders," says the chain's CEO, Ziad Turabi, "but to us it makes perfect sense. We believe we can make a very handsome profit. Many people in the occupied territories have money but they have nowhere to spend it if they're after quality. We offer them the best quality there is."

This may not sound like the familiar description of the occupied territories - the impoverished Palestinian village or the overcrowded refugee camp, a population sustaining itself on international aid. But it turns out that quite a few Palestinians consider a plasma screen, a surround sound stereo and comfortable chairs to be fairly essential items.

Here, on the fifth floor of the Jenin operation, overlooking the fields separating Israel from Jenin, are the in-demand electric gadgets: enormous TV screens, vacuum cleaners, espresso machines, and the list goes on and on. Turabi points out that some products are only available in Home Center shops. "This is an espresso machine that grinds the coffee beans," he says. "People want more and more of these products. They ask for the finest quality." Most of the products on sale are imported through the port of Ashdod. "We have exclusive deals with quite a few brands," says Turabi. "They'll only market their products at Home Center."

The idea turns out to be approximately five years old. Mwafaq Hirbawi, a prominent businessman in the carpet trade, was looking for a new avenue in which to branch out. He put up a few buildings across the occupied territories without determining their final purpose.

Turabi, who hails from the furniture business, has worked with the Hirbawi family for 14 years, and he was the man they turned to to run the enterprise. "We were making our evaluations for a few months and decided to go for the luxury brands, like LG for electrics and Meselmani for kitchens. After linking up the furniture I was dealing with the carpet business [and] we realized we can grow further. We got several offers to give it up, to rent out the buildings, but Mwafaq didn't want to, he was looking for something different and new," Turabi says.

"But how will you profit? Who'll go to Jenin to buy luxury wares?"

"We've been working for a few months now and every day had been like opening day. We are very pleased, and the profits have been very satisfying so far. Don't worry, we're not going to lose, and we truly believe that. It's true that Jenin is like a big village and wealthy people here are few. Everyone told us to start off with Ramallah. But I came here a few months ago and ran some profit estimates."

"And what if there's a closure on Jenin tomorrow?"

"Let's just say we don't pin much hopes on shoppers from other areas. If something really major happens in the West Bank, well, there's not much we can do. But let's also say that if I was a pessimist forever thinking about all the things that could go wrong, we never would have opened. But we think we can make a very handsome profit here."

The prices are not much cheaper than in Israel, perhaps except on the furniture, arguably the true gem of the place. A decorated glass table is sold on the second floor for NIS 2,800; Turabi suggest it would have cost 40 percent more in Israel. One can also find china plates, crystal, classical furniture and more. The company is preparing to begin building the Hebron branch, which will accommodate a retail area of about 12,000 square meters. Curious would-be shoppers can see the display rooms of the business live-cast on the Web.

"Abu Tarek," the Jenin area commander, seemed pleased. He and his predecessor, "Abu Hadid," have turned "terrorism capital" into the quietest, safest city in the West Bank. Jenin, the flagship project of the American administration and the U.S. security coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian Authority, Lieutenant-General Keith Dayton, has become the success story of the new PA. "What brings Hirbawi and others is the security situation", Abu Tarek says. "We solved quite a few issues and, Inshallah (God willing, we will see many more investments. Even the refugee camp is quiet now. There are no militants and we react very quickly to any incident. The residents believed in the security apparatus. They trust us and assist us."

"And you can see it on the street. Shops are open until late, women can go around fearlessly."

"What about attacks on Israel?"

"It's been over two years since the last attack from Jenin against Israel. We went to great length to prevent terror attacks, and your people know that."

A third factor which makes the change in the West Bank possible is the Israel Defense Forces. Abu Tarek says the Israeli army was still carrying out operations in the West Bank but became "a lot less violent." And one of the Palestinians present, who witnessed his brothers' arrest recently, chuckles: "They're very gentle nowadays. They come quietly, knock on the door and say politely: Army, please open up."

zondag 21 juni 2009

VN Gaza rapport: waar is de context?

 
Een goed onderbouwde kritiek op de eenzijdige kritiek op Israels offensief in de Gazastrook begin dit jaar en in het bijzonder de rol van de VN.
 
-------------------
 
Guest Columnist: Where is the context?
Jun. 18, 2009
ABRAHAM RABINOVICH , THE JERUSALEM POST
 

"All you'll get there is justice," said the grizzled character in an old Western movie, warning away a gunslinger from a gallows-prone town. "And lots of it."

Israel has received more than its fair share of frontier justice from international bodies since Operation Cast Lead in Gaza five months ago and is now the subject of a new UN investigation led by the distinguished South African jurist Richard Goldstone. Jerusalem says it will not cooperate with the latest probe despite Goldstone's stature. This reaction comes in the wake of a lopsided UN inquiry commission report a month ago and the behavior of UN officials in Gaza during the war itself.

The inquiry commission threw the book at Israel for alleged misdeeds during the three weeks of fighting. Entirely missing from the report was context. Without context, the destruction of Dresden and Hamburg by the Allied air forces in World War II, not to mention Hiroshima, were acts of cold-blooded mass murder.

The context for any examination of Operation Cast Lead includes the killing of hundreds of Palestinian civilians but also the thousands of rockets fired into Israel; the repeated warnings by Israel that it would strike if rocketing continued; Hamas's decision to fight the war from civilian areas; and preparation by Hamas leaders of shelters for themselves while leaving the civilian population unsheltered against the furies of a war the leaders had provoked.

Context also includes the steps taken by Israel, unprecedented in warfare, to warn the Palestinian population of danger during the fighting, including thousands of telephoned warnings to Gaza families before air strikes on their buildings, and the firing of small rockets at the corners of roofs to spur evacuations before the bombs hit.

THE CENTRAL INCIDENT examined by the inquiry commission concerned an UNRWA school in Jabalya. On January 6, IDF mortar shells were reported by Palestinian organizations to have struck the clearly marked school, killing more than 40 civilians sheltering there and wounding scores more. The claim was supported by a UN entity in Gaza, the Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). Headlines around the world duly trumpeted a "massacre." It seemed for a while that Israel might have to call off its incursion because of international outrage.

Presuming the report true, Israeli spokesmen initially said the shells were directed at Hamas mortarmen firing from inside the school grounds. The IDF spokesman tried to fob off a year-old video clip of Palestinians firing from the school as fresh, a foolish "error" which was soon exposed.

A few days after the war, journalist Patrick Martin of the Toronto Globe and Mail visited the area and learned that no one had been killed in the school and that no shells had hit the school. Three shells had hit an adjacent road where fatalities occurred. Only after Martin's revelation, three weeks after the incident itself, did OCHA acknowledge that the school had not been hit.

John Ging, director of Gaza operations for UNRWA, the main UN agency in the strip, never claimed that shells struck the school. However, in numerous media interviews during the fighting he neglected to refute the charge and sometimes left the distinct impression that it was correct. In an interview with IslamiContent shown on YouTube, for example, Ging spoke of "42 Palestinians killed and over 100 injured at the UN school being used as a shelter for 1,600 people driven out of their homes." Not "near the school" but "at" the school.

In an interview with journalist Martin after the war, Ging said, "I know that no one was killed in the school, but 41 innocent people were killed in the street outside the school. The State of Israel has to answer for that." Ging was undoubtedly well-intentioned but he was compromising the credibility of UN officials everywhere.

UNRWA spokesman Christopher Gunness resorted to similar disingenuousness. In an interview with Democracy Now, an American radio/television news program, a day after the incident, Gunness said that the fatality figure in the Jabalya attack had grown to 40. "The people in the compound... had been told by the Israeli army to leave their houses and move to a safe place... They were coming to what they thought was a neutral United Nations shelter, and then the rest is history - 40 people killed." He did not actually say that shells hit the school but the viewer is left with that clear understanding.

In its own investigation after the war, the IDF, basing itself on Palestinian sources, concluded that 12 Palestinians had been killed outside the school, not 40 or more, when mortars responded to Palestinian mortar fire. Nine of the 12, it said, were militants known by name and Palestinian identity number.

The inquiry commission rebuked Israel for not expressing "adequate" regret over its initial false allegation about Palestinians firing from the school. But the commission had nothing to say about the incendiary claims that Israel deliberately shelled a school filled with refugees, claims to which UN officials in Gaza lent credence. The commission faulted Israel for firing too close to the school but did not rebuke Hamas for positioning mortars there, saying "it was unable to reach any conclusion" about whether there were mortars.

The commission repeatedly faults Israel for damage caused to UN facilities by direct hits or near misses. It voices no criticism of Hamas for storing its armaments in civilian areas, including the proximity of UN facilities, triggering those attacks.

The commission makes reference to the "traumatization" of Palestinian children during the incursion, but there is no mention of the trauma caused Israeli children during eight years of rocketing.

There may be room for exploring whether Israel used excessive firepower in the Gaza operation - there was a lively debate over this within Israel at the war's conclusion - as long as there is context, which in this case should include a look at other wars such as the allied operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.

In examining with a magnifying glass every nick and casualty on UN premises that Israel was allegedly responsible for, while ignoring Palestinian responsibility for igniting the war, the inquiry commission was acting not like a dispenser of justice, even frontier justice, but like a dodgy ambulance chaser trying to make a case.

It was only the maturity of Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who effectively pigeonholed the report, that permitted the UN to emerge from this sorry affair with a measure of its dignity intact.

Beleid van Israel na speech Netanyahu


Een goede analyse door Ami Isseroff van het doel en de betekenis van de speech van Netanjahoe.
Hij legt o.a. uit waarom de Israelische voorwaarden fair zijn en niet bedoeld om de Palestijnse staat van iedere inhoud te beroven en tot een 'semantische exercitie' te reduceren (NRC Handelsblad).
 
The three conditions are pretty close both to Israeli consensus and to the bare minimum that Israel would need in order for the peace treaty to have any value. For Israel, peace means recognition of the right of the Jewish people to self determination; that is what the whole conflict has been about. It was a grave error not to include some such clause in treaties with Egypt and Jordan. Of course, if Israel had to accept hordes of 'returning' refugees (most of whom never lived in the places to which they want to 'return') there could be no Jewish state. The Arabs are well aware of this.
 
None of these conditions are new or harsh. Israel's first governments resisted return of refugees. United Jerusalem has been the policy of the Israeli government since it was annexed. The right of the Jewish people to self determination is actually an international consensus. Not only was the Jewish state mentioned in UN General Assembly Resolution 181. It was asserted by no less a personage than Soviet Ambassador Andrei Gromyko in UN debates preceding the passage of the Palestine Partition Resolution:
 
Dit zijn niet de woorden van een 'Likoed-havik' die eigenlijk tegen een Palestijnse staat is, maar van iemand die zich al zeker sinds een decennium inzet voor vrede en dialoog, en daarbij beide kanten niet spaart.
 
RP
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To understand the proper direction of Israeli efforts to present its case, we must understand the significance of Benjamin Netanyahu's speech (see Address by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Begin-Sadat Center.

The speech was a workmanlike and competent component that be the basis of a reasonable foreign policy. It served several very important purposes. The first was to return some of the "peace process" initiative to Israel, and to counter some of the extreme diplomatic isolation that
Israel experienced following the installation of the Netanyahu government. The second was to pay the necessary debt to Barack Obama in his quest for Middle East peace. The third and most important was to provide a relatively clear policy statement and delineation of Israeli rights around three principles:

No 'return' of Palestinian refugees to Israel

No division of Jerusalem

Palestinians must recognize the right of the Jewish people to self determination.

These three conditions form the core of the Israeli case, and efforts at justifying and explaining the case for Israeli peace should focus on them, and not be distracted by gimmicks and side issues such as settlement freezes and outposts. In a hundred years, it will not matter if there was or was not a settlement freeze. But the decision on every one of the above issues will matter for as long as there is a Jewish state and a Jewish people. Palestinians have understood this longer than we have. It is no accident that they have objected strenuously to all three conditions, because they are the heart of peace for Israel. The aim of pro-Palestinian propaganda in the west is to divert attention from the focus of the conflict, defined in those issues, where the Israeli case is strong, to the issue of settlement freeze, and to force a split between the United States and Israel. Regrettably, some of the pro-Israel reaction in recent days has served the Palestinians very well.

The three conditions are pretty close both to Israeli consensus and to the bare minimum that Israel would need in order for the peace treaty to have any value. For Israel, peace means recognition of the right of the Jewish people to self determination; that is what the whole conflict has been about. It was a grave error not to include some such clause in treaties with Egypt and Jordan. Of course, if Israel had to accept hordes of 'returning' refugees (most of whom never lived in the places to which they want to 'return') there could be no Jewish state. The Arabs are well aware of this.

It is true that Israel existed for 19 years without the old city of
Jerusalem, and even today, Jerusalem is not recognized as part of Israel by the United States, and certainly not by the Arabs. Israel can exist without Jerusalem, but it could not have peace. For Jerusalem is a symbol not only to Jews, but to the entire world. Whoever controls Jerusalem in history, has always, in the long run, controlled the land. Without Jerusalem, Israel will be, in the eyes of the Arab states and the world, something like the crusader states after the conquest of Salah al Din. The Palestinians could, and would, view the "peace" as a step in the famous staged destruction of Israel. Of course, even the Hamas are willing to "accept" a Palestinian state provided they can wrest Jerusalem from the Jews and flood Israel with refugees, and provided they do not have to recognize a Jewish state. But in reality, Fatah conditions are no different. Mahmoud Abbas stated the Palestinian position on Right of Return and on Jerusalem in an interview he gave in 2000, and different officials reiterated them many times since. The refusal to recognize a Jewish state was added as soon as the issue was first raised by Ehud Olmert.

None of these conditions are new or harsh. Israel's first governments resisted return of refugees. United Jerusalem has been the policy of the Israeli government since it was annexed. The right of the Jewish people to self determination is actually an international consensus. Not only was the Jewish state mentioned in
UN General Assembly Resolution 181. It was asserted by no less a personage than Soviet Ambassador Andrei Gromyko in UN debates preceding the passage of the Palestine Partition Resolution:

The delegation of the USSR maintains that the decision to partition Palestine is in keeping with the high principles and aims of the United Nations. It is in keeping with the principle of the national self-determination of peoples....

The solution of the Palestine problem based on a partition of Palestine into two separate states will be of profound historical significance, because this decision will meet the legitimate demands of the Jewish people

The excuse of the Arab states and Palestinians is that recognition of a Jewish state would cause Israel to expel its Arab citizens. Any such recognition of course, can add the infamously misinterpreted, but still fair provision of the Balfour declaration, "nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities." Both the right of the Jewish people and the qualifying provision are international law, embodied in the League of Nations Mandate for Palestine Not one of these requirements is new, and they have all been stated before, but this is the first time they were put together in the context of a policy statement regarding the peace process.

Mr Netanyahu also took the opportunity to explain that the Israeli-Arab conflict did not begin in 1967 and therefore could not be due to settlements, and that Israel, despite the implications of Barack Obama's speech, was not founded because of the
Holocaust. It is always important to use such speeches to remind the world of basic truths, which have been attacked and diluted incessantly by Arab world propaganda and anti-Zionist "narratives."

Mr. Netanyahu seems to have grasped the cardinal rule of Israeli foreign policy that has been in place since the foundation of the state: Israel can never allow itself to lose the support of the United States by seeming to be against peace. Therefore it was important that Netanyahu welcomed the Obama peace initiative and proposed a plan that meets at least some of the conditions set forth by Mr. Obama, by Secretary of State Clinton, and by special envoy George Mitchell.

Read more here: Israeli policy after Netanyahu's speech

 

Hoe Associated Press bericht over de toespraak van Netanjahoe


De berichten van Associated Press worden overgenomen in honderden kranten. Ik ben het niet met ieder kritiekpunt van Barry Rubin eens, en hij legt soms wat veel zout op slakken/op veel slakken zout, maar het is duidelijk dat AP niet fair berichtte over Netanjahoe's speech. Ik heb mij bijzonder geërgerd aan de nieuwsanalyse van Guus Valk in NRC Handelsblad, die een paar opvallende overeenkomsten had met het AP bericht, al was daarin minder plaats ingeruimd voor de reacties van derden op de speech en meer voor Valks eigen gekleurde visie. Eigenlijk zijn 'nieuwsanalyses' vaak verkapte opiniestukken door de eigen correspondent.
 
RP
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Bias Beyond Belief: The AP Can't Even Report Netanyahu's Speech Fairly

http://rubinreports.blogspot.com/2009/06/bias-beyond-belief-ap-cant-even-report.html
By Barry Rubin

Often, it's really hard to believe how biased and bad media coverage of Israel is. I've been watching this stuff for decades and it still amazes me. A subtle bias is one thing but when all caution or pretense of professionalism is abandoned--as it so often is--one can only gape in astonishment.

The Associated Press devoted more than 4000 words to reporting and analyzing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's main policy speech and various reactions to it. President Obama welcomed it. ("Obama welcome's Israeli prime minister's speech, June 15, 2009); the European Union called it a step in the right direction (Robert Wielaard, "EU: Netanyahu speech step 'in right direction, June 16, 2009).

[For my view of the speech, go here]

Predictably, members of his coalition government supported it (Amy Teibel, "Coalition heavyweights embrace Netanyahu speech," June 15, 2009. Yet even while reporting on Netanyahu's acceptance of a Palestinian state, the AP could not resist characterizing his government as "hawkish," supported by "hardliners." Of course, his coalition includes the Labor party and many people considered dovish but AP doesn't tell us about that.

The article also mistakenly refers to "Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman, the most powerful hard-liner in Netanyahu's government," which is just plain wrong. While Lieberman's style is very tough, he is not a hardliner as such, having no problem with accepting a Palestinian state or giving up territory for peace. Lieberman's reputation as a hardliner is due to his stand toward Arab citizens of Israel—and even here Lieberman has made no serious attempt to implement any new measures—not toward West Bank Palestinians. By making this statement, Teibel shows her ignorance of Israeli politics.

Similarly ignorant and biased was the AP's presentation of Palestinian reactions. The problem is not reporting what the Palestinians said—they didn't like it and this is legitimate to present—but the AP's own editorial remarks.

In Karin Laub and Amy Teibel, "Disappointed Palestinians ask for help to save talks," June 16 (as if anything any Israeli prime minister might have said could possibly have "pleased" them), the authors tell us that these leaders "stopped short of refusing to resume negotiations."

This is simply inaccurate. In fact, they have refused to resume negotiations without a freeze in settlement construction, as has been repeatedly stated by them. Strangely, even the article admits this: "Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas has said he would not resume talks unless Israel honored previous pledges to halt construction."

Why then make the first statement except to make the Palestinian leaders sound more moderate than they are? And the phrasing of the second is totally misleading, too. Israel said it would freeze construction if the Palestinians kept their commitments, which hasn't happened. Notice AP never tells us about what Israel demands to meet its needs or what Palestinians do to break their previous commitments.

What is really outrageous is this statement by the authors:

"Laying out his Mideast policy Sunday, Netanyahu bent to U.S. pressure and softened decades of opposition to Palestinian statehood and sought renewed peace talks."

Since Netanyahu accepted Palestinian statehood as a potential outcome of talks in 1996—13 years ago—this is part of the consistent AP misrepresentation of his positions.

Then there is this confusing and untrue statement:

"However, he removed from the negotiating agenda the fate of Palestinian refugees displaced by Israel's 1948 creation and said Israel would retain sovereignty over all of Jerusalem - -two issues previous Israeli governments had agreed to negotiate."

On Jerusalem, Netanyahu restated what has almost always been Israel's position. And what about the fate of the refugees? In fact, he and Israel have always said they should be resettled in Palestine. Can't the AP even get that right?
 
Read more here: Bias Beyond Belief: The AP Can't Even Report Netanyahu's Speech Fairly
 

The Warped Mirror: anti-zionisten en de feiten

 
Vul voor Antony Lerman in Dries van Agt, Thomas von der Dunk, Jaap Hamburger of Hajo Meijer: ook zij gaan vaak nogal creatief om met de feiten om een beeld te creëren waarin alleen Israel dader en boosdoener is en de Palestijnen en Arabieren slechts reageren op Israel. Met dit beeld doen zij niet alleen Israel, maar ook de Palestijnen tekort; zij hebben net zo goed als Israel een deel van de oplossing in handen.
 
RP
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The Warped Mirror: The "facts-don't-matter" camp

 
Over the past year, Antony Lerman has published quite a few articles defending anti-Zionist views against the charge that they often serve as a cover-up for antisemitism.  If his articles include any biographical information, Lerman is usually presented as (former) director of the Institute for Jewish Policy Research in London; he has also been described as a "leading Jewish thinker." Of course, anyone who writes "as a Jew" and single-mindedly focuses on whatever is wrong with Israel and Zionism can count on having an appreciative audience that can't get enough of this message - particularly if it comes with regular complaints about how unfair it is to suspect people of anti-Semitism simply because they feel that the world would be a better place if Israel didn't exist.
 
In one of his recent pieces, Lerman turns to politics and peace, arguing that there is something "surreal" about the debate whether the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should be resolved by establishing two states for two people or one bi-national state. He believes that "
Israel-Palestine is already a de facto single state,"  but he claims that he makes this assertion only to "concentrate minds everywhere on achieving a two-state arrangement." At the same time, however, he indicates that he himself hopes for "the eventual evolution of a federal version" of one single bi-national state "as a way of guaranteeing the human rights of Israelis and Palestinians in the long term."

In laying out his case, Lerman argues that "Israeli control of the area of the pre-1967 state, the West Bank and Gaza" has created an "illiberal one-state" in which Israel denies the Palestinians their human rights. By claiming that Israel controls a territory from which last year alone some 3000 rockets and mortars were launched against Israeli towns and villages, Lerman squarely positions himself in the "facts-don't-matter" camp. That's of course not the way he sees it: he devotes much space and care to presenting his evidence for "the encircling and overlapping forms of control and restriction Israel has created" - what he doesn't mention is that many of these measures are due to legitimate Israeli security concerns.
 
But for the "facts-don't-matter" camp, there simply can't be any threat to Israeli security: Ahmadinejad is just talking and anyway gets translated wrongly; anti-Semitism in the Arab and Muslim world doesn't really exist and whenever it gets too obvious to deny it, it is only an entirely understandable reaction to Israel; Hamas doesn't really mean what they say in their charter and if they do, their nostalgia for the good old days without Israel is only human; thousands of rockets and mortars targeting Israeli civilians are just homemade fire-crackers meant to signal understandable frustration, and there is no such thing as Palestinian terrorism because whatever the Palestinians do is legitimate resistance against a cruel and inhuman occupation.

Whether explicitly stated or only implied, the premise is always that any threat Israel might face is of Israel's own making. Well, if you think about it, there is some profound truth here: if Israel didn't exist, it wouldn't face any threats...

But while it may be tempting to ridicule the "facts-don't-matter" camp, it's worthwhile to think about the question what their "Israel-is-to-blame" line of argument ultimately boils down to. As far as I can see, it leads to a view of the Middle East conflict in which only Israel has the power of agency - all other parties to the conflict are reduced to reacting. The parallels to the "Jews-control-the-world" motif so popular among anti-Semites the world over are hard to overlook.

In Lerman's piece, this take is reflected in a presentation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that features the Palestinians only in the role of Israel's victims. For him, the "illiberal one-state" that he decries is an outcome of Israeli intransigence toward the Palestinians. What Lerman conveniently ignores is that Palestinians have often acknowledged that the two-state solution is a concept that they are reluctant to accept. Here is just one quote from somebody who ought to know: 

statehood as such is a relatively recent addition to Palestinian aspirations. The main Palestinian impetus after [...] 1948 was that of 'return'; it was more about reversing the loss of Arab land and patrimony, than the fulfillment of classical post-colonial self-determination, via statehood. [...] It was only after [...1967] that a new Palestinian national identity began to take shape. At its core was the notion of the armed struggle as a galvanizing force. Armed struggle, according to Fatah, restored Palestinian dignity and gave the Palestinians a say in determining their future. Statehood and state building had no real place in this scheme. Indeed, the first tentative proposals to establish a state [...] were rejected as defeatist and a betrayal of the national cause."

This is taken from an article by Ahmad Samih Khalidi, an Oxford scholar who served as an advisor to the Palestinian delegation to the Madrid-Washington peace talks in 1991-1993. The title of Khalidi's article "Thanks, but no thanks" accurately reflects his unambiguous rejection of the two-state solution because it "does not offer the equitable and fair solution the Palestinian people deserve." Tellingly, the same article was also published under the title "Why a Palestinian 'State' is a Punitive Construct."

Anyone who would like to think that Khalidi speaks only for himself is mistaken: there are countless statements by Palestinians that confirm Khalidi's historical account and agree with the view that a genuine two-state solution that reflects the formula "two states for two people," i.e. one Jewish and one Arab state, is anything but popular among Palestinians. The recent issue of the Palestine-Israel Journal demonstrates the
continued Palestinian ambivalence all too well by offering two views on the "right of return."

One piece is written by a well-known activist who has devoted much of his life to the effort to turn back the clock to 1947; the other piece presents a cautious case for compromise, but
ends with the acknowledgement that the Palestinians have yet to make the choice "between the pragmatists and their endeavors to achieve a political solution on the basis of two states for two peoples and their opponents who insist on exercising the absolute right of return."

Obviously, no amount of evidence showing the Palestinian reluctance to really embrace a genuine two-state solution would prompt the faithful of the "facts-don't-matter" camp to revise their Manichean view of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, Lerman's apparent inability to see the Palestinians as anything but victims of Israeli intransigence is particularly revealing given the fact that his recent output includes a long piece entitled "
Must Jews always see themselves as victims?"

It's yet another piece where facts don't matter much - and that's why Lerman can claim confidently that it is the "Jewish public" that "does not want to be confused with the facts." Maybe he would benefit from reading a
recent Foreign Policy piece that traces the evolution of the views of Israeli historian Benny Morris, who is described there as "a one-man microcosm of what many Israeli Jews of the Labor-Zionist strain have undergone in the past decade." I certainly have no quarrel with this assessment.

But Lerman laments that his fellow Jews are trapped in a "lachrymose conception of Jewish history" that depicts Jews as the eternal victims, preventing them from realizing that the Jewish state has become a brutal victimizer whose cruel inhumanity inevitably triggers outbursts of antisemitism. That is of course another central motif of the "facts-don't-matter" school of thought: for them, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is just one big morality play about good and evil - it's the narrative of the victim-turned-victimizer that interests them.

No matter how often Palestinians will acknowledge that, more than a state of their own, they seek an imaginary "justice" that a two-state solution will not satisfy, the "facts-don't-matter" fans won't stop for a moment to ponder if it is really only Israeli intransigence that has prevented the realization of the two-state solution.

But those like Lerman who argue that a "one-state solution" would somehow be the best "way of guaranteeing the human rights of Israelis and Palestinians in the long term" betray that they believe the Palestinians are entitled to veto the Jewish right to self-determination in Israel: in their view, the cause of "human rights" ultimately requires that the Jewish state - even in its pre-1967 borders - ceases to exist so that a bi-national state can emerge. If Lerman wasn't so busy defending anti-Zionism and writing about how dangerous and counterproductive it is to exaggerate the threat of anti-Semitism, he might have the time to explain why it is not anti-Semitic when the Jews are denied a right that others are encouraged to take for granted.
 
 

Vertrouwen Israeli's in steun van Obama gekelderd

 
Mij verbazen de uitkomsten van die enquete niet echt. Obama heeft het steeds over de nederzettingen, en andere zaken zoals de verering van zelfmoordterroristen en antisemitisme in Palestijnse media, vasthouden aan het recht op terugkeer, ontkenning van enige Joodse geschiedenis in Jeruzalem, en de weigering Israel als Joodse staat te erkennen, negeert hij grotendeels. Waarom heeft hij de Palestijnen niet tot de orde geroepen vanwege hun extreem negatieve reactie op Netanjahoe's speech? Waarom is zijn toon zo totaal verschillend naar beide partijen toe? Mag het dan verbazen dat ook mensen die geen grote fan zijn van de kolonisten, hem als bevooroordeeld ten gunste van de Palestijnen beschouwen? Het is goed dat Washington zich dit negatieve imago in Israel lijkt aan te trekken, maar het zal niet veel veranderen. Overigens vind ik het gescheld op Obama uit extreem-rechtse hoek in Israel ronduit beschamend.
 
RP
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Washington reiterates support for Israel

Jun. 21, 2009
HILARY LEILA KRIEGER, jpost correspondent, washington , THE JERUSALEM POST

 

The Obama Administration insistently reiterated its support for Israel this weekend after a Jerusalem Post poll found that only 6 percent of Jewish Israelis now consider Barack Obama's presidency to be pro-Israel.

The poll, which has a margin of error of 4.5%, was conducted by Smith Research among a representative sample of 500 Israeli Jewish adults last week.

Fifty percent of those sampled consider the policies of Obama's administration more pro-Palestinian than pro-Israeli, and 36% said the policies were neutral. The remaining 8% did not express an opinion.

The numbers were a stark contrast to the last poll published May 17, on the eve of the meeting between Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Obama at the White House. In that poll, 31% labeled the Obama administration pro-Israel, 14% considered it pro-Palestinian and 40% said it was neutral. The other 15% declined to give an opinion.

The White House declined to comment on the specifics of the poll. But National Security Council spokesman Mike Hammer told the Post that "we remain committed to peace and security for Israel."

Hammer recalled the line from Obama's recent speech in Cairo in which he said, "America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable," one of several recent reiterations of strong US support for Israel.

Ira Forman of the National Jewish Democratic Council also emphasized that Obama has repeatedly affirmed the US-Israel special relationship and that he "is a great friend to Israel."

Forman added that despite the tough going when it came to the president's peace efforts, "The absence of a peace process is more harmful to Israel and the United States' interests than trying to keep the process alive and moving forward even if you know it's very difficult."

He also contended that polls of Israeli attitudes towards US leaders were "very fickle," noting other recent surveys giving Obama greater support. "I have no doubt that Israelis will remember Barack Obama and his presidency as one that was tremendously favorable to Israel when all is said and done," he said."

Matt Dorf, who did Jewish outreach for the Democratic National Committee during the presidential campaign, was more blunt when it came to the survey results.

"I don't trust the poll," he said, calling the Post a newspaper that has "not been friendly toward Obama."

He added that "among those who know him best he enjoys tremendous support and we trust him when it comes to Israel and Israel's security," citing by way of comparison a poll commissioned by the progressive J Street lobby finding that 73% of American Jews have a favorable opinion of Obama.

The Republican Jewish Coalition, however, interpreted the Post/Smith Research survey results differently.

"It's a very sad day when an American president can make the Israeli people believe that he is more pro-Palestinian than pro-Israeli," said RJC spokeswoman Shari Hillman.

Gil Hoffman contributed to this report.

Religieus-orthodoxe Joden willen exclusieve woningbouw in Jaffa

 
Zowel Joden als Arabieren proberen in gemengde steden demografisch overwicht te krijgen, en soms ook in wijken van 'de ander' binnen te dringen. Dat verhoogt de spanningen die er vaak toch al zijn, zeker als, zoals in onderstaand geval, alleen nationaal-religieuzen de huizen kunnen kopen. Ik vraag me af hoe men dat regelt en bepaalt, en het lijkt me een ontoelaatbare vorm van discriminatie. Het moet wel gezegd worden dat beide partijen dergelijke taktieken toepassen: in Israel wordt op deze manier heel direct om het land gestreden tussen Joden en Arabieren, maar ook tussen religieuzen en seculieren.

RP
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National-religious housing project puts Jaffa coexistence at risk, Tel Aviv municipality says
Yaakov Lappin , THE JERUSALEM POST
 
The delicate balance of Arab-Jewish coexistence in Jaffa could soon shatter if plans go forward to construct homes for national-religious Jews in a predominantly Arab neighborhood, sources in the Tel Aviv Municipality told The Jerusalem Post this week.
 
The Bemuna company has been accused of pursuing a racist agenda, aimed at diluting Arab Israeli population centers by establishing national-religious communities in the heart of Arab neighborhoods.

But Bemuna (Hebrew for 'with faith'), which is active in mixed cities such as Ramle, Lod and Acre, denies the allegations, saying it is merely interested in establishing "residential neighborhoods for the national religious public," and in improving run-down areas plagued with crime and drugs.

To the ire of local residents and the Tel Aviv Municipality alike, Bemuna won two land sale tenders recently from the Israel Lands Administration, in Jaffa's Ajami neighborhood.

Bemuna immediately announced plans to build housing units open to sale only to national Orthodox Jews. The resulting wave of opposition saw ILA cancel one of the tenders earlier this week, to the relief of Kamal Agbehia, chairman of the Ajami residents committee.

Agbehia has spearheaded efforts to block Bemuna's entrance to the neighborhood. "I'm certainly happy about the cancellation of the second tender," he told the Post on Wednesday. "We have been asking Tel Aviv's mayor [Ron Huldai] to stop this. He met with Minorities Affairs Minister Avishai Braverman, and they both then met with the chairman of the Israel Lands Administration, Yaron Bibi. This produced the cancellation."

Agbehia stressed he had nothing against Jews coming to live in Jaffa (it already has a clear Jewish majority). "But this group has etched on its flag the goal of getting rid of Arabs.

"They believe that to liberate Jerusalem, one must liberate Jaffa. This has set off alarms," he said.

"We understand they want 200 housing units in the heart of Ajami," he continued. "This is not a Jew versus Arab story, but a sane camp of Arab and Jewish moderates who want to safeguard a delicate coexistence against an insane camp which wants to enter Ajami."

"Tensions are already rising," Agbehia warned. "We believe settlers are coming to Jaffa. We won't rest on our laurels. We want to alert the residents here to the existential threat posed by the arrival of the settlers. We are fighting for our home."

Agbehia said that if his campaign failed, Jaffa's poorer Arab population, already struggling to find housing, might respond violently.

"This is a zero sum game. Usually life is not black and white - this situation is black and white," he said.

Yehoshua Mor-Yossef, of Bemuna, told the Post the construction project was simply about "Jews going back to the place where they lived 40 years ago."

"We don't want to get rid of anyone," he said. "Experience teaches that everyone is benefited when Jews enter an area. In drug- and crime-ridden Lod, we went into action, and we're helping to clean up the area."

"We have an agenda that Jews should live in Israel. This is not racist. It's the normal thing to do for a nation that returns to its homeland," he said.

Mor-Yossef said there was nothing wrong with offering buildings to sale for national-religious Jews only, adding that Bemuna was considering a petition to the High Court of Justice against the cancellation of the second tender.

"We're looking for more investments to buy more lands we located in Jaffa," he continued.

"We are coming to live as good neighbors. If things get violent, the police and government are there to handle those who do not wish to be good neighbors."

Gilad Peleg, head of the Jaffa Development Authority in the Tel Aviv Municipality, said he was "deeply concerned over the activity of extreme organizations who come from outside of Jaffa and who shake up the local community. The Arab and Jewish communities of Jaffa are very moderate, and are looking for a quiet life. There have been attempts by extreme elements from both sides to exploit existing tensions and to capitalize politically on them."

Peleg said the municipality would do everything in its power to maintain the status quo of coexistence in Jaffa, where Jewish and Arab children attend the same schools, and sometimes live in the same apartment buildings.

Gil Ganmor, a lawyer for the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, said his organization has filed a High Court petition against Bemuna's activities in Jaffa.

"We believe the phenomenon of private contractors taking public land and selling it only to a certain community has to stop," Ganmor said.

"Our opposition on this is universal, and it is directed against any group which engages in such action, whether they are setting up neighborhoods for hi-tech employees only, or for the national-religious," he added.

The association has taken legal action against previous attempts to build residential areas exclusively for hi-tech employees in north Tel Aviv.

Ganmor said Jaffa's housing problem and years of neglect of its Arab population by the authorities had exasperated the current state of affairs.